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Settler-Colonialism, Racism and Language’s Undeciability PDF Εκτύπωση E-mail
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Συνεννόηση για Δράση - Απόψεις
Συντάχθηκε απο τον/την Χρήστος Μπούμπουλης (Christos Boumpoulis)   
Σάββατο, 22 Φεβρουάριος 2020 16:45
Congo Independence Crisis 1960 (Lumumba's Assassination)
Settler-Colonialism, Racism and Language’s Undeciability
Settler-colonialism is an international crime which is extremely vulnerable to simple counter-measures.
Therefore, the one and only way for this kind of genocide to be perpetrated is by causing, within its victimized Nations, that kind of collective, decision-making paralysis which originates by made-up language-undecidability.
More specifically, as settler-colonialism is, by definition, a racial issue, by arbitrarily criminalising, within a settler-colonised Nation, any verbal, racial expression, then, any denunciation of the settler-colonialism itself, within that Nation, becomes impossible, meaning it becomes a case of undecidability.
Simultaneously, methods for covering-up the arbitrary character of the racial verbal expressions’ criminalisation exist like e.g. the slandering of the victimised Nations as allegedly being “racists”, through one or more, ordinary “Black Ops”.
In other words, due to the modern technology, the only way for the contemporary settler-colonising Nations (U2RIT) to perpetrate settler-colonialism against other Nations and get way with it, is by, previously, slandering the other Nations as, allegedly, “racists”.
Specifically for the German Nation I wish to publisize here, my personal testimony.
I have lived among the German citizens for few years and I have studied them thorougly.
Their lacking of racism is almost outwordly.
During our co-existence, here, in Germany, the German citizens, despite the fact that I am an indigenous Greek, they treated me exclusively, according to their corresponding age, as if I was, either, their own son, or, their own brother.
Innumerable times when I needed, as living as a homeless, something material and ask them, they gave it to me, sometimes in double quantity.
Also, the German citizens’ expressions of solidarity and protection, towards me, they have been so overwelming that I must refrain from disclosing them in order to protect the German Nation from the settler-colonisers’ traditional jealousy and envy.
It is the distinctive nature of the Germans not to ever be racist at all.
Furthermore, as the German citizens remain among the most intelligent humans in the world, I must totally exclude the possibility that they could had ever fallen to the trap of faultily, verbally reducing the “settler-colonialism issue” to a mere “racial issue”; the Germans are far more clever to fall in such a shallow linguistic-trap.
Consequently, my opinion is that, if, I exclude any, very few, members which they may have potentially fallen under the settler-colonisers’ control by abusage of artificial means (e.g. mind-control, extortion, etc.), then, among the 82 millions Germans there is not even one racist.
Concluding, I find repulsive any potential effort on behalf the Ku Klux Klan’s shameless inventors to, almost overtly, slander as allegedly “racists”, the members of the excellent and kind German Nation.
Christos Boumpoulis
P.S.: A friendly advice towards the U2RIT: Get a life...

Gödel's incompleteness theorems
“Gödel's incompleteness theorems are two theorems of mathematical logic that establish inherent limitations of all but the most trivial axiomatic systems capable of doing arithmetic. The theorems, proven by Kurt Gödel in 1931, are important both in mathematical logic and in the philosophy of mathematics. The two results are widely, but not universally, interpreted as showing that Hilbert's program to find a complete and consistent set of axioms for all mathematics is impossible, giving a negative answer to Hilbert's second problem.
The first incompleteness theorem states that no consistent system of axioms whose theorems can be listed by an "effective procedure" (e.g., a computer program, but it could be any sort of algorithm) is capable of proving all truths about the relations of the natural numbers (arithmetic). For any such system, there will always be statements about the natural numbers that are true, but that are unprovable within the system. The second incompleteness theorem, an extension of the first, shows that such a system cannot demonstrate its own consistency.”
Our own inherent wordview is nothing else but a categorization of the symbolic, dynamic world around us. This categorization, sometimes may be adequate to explain what is going around us, and some other times it may be inadequate. At the occasions of inadequacy of this kind, we are facing an instance of inability to understand correctly the related situation. We call those instances, manifestations of undecidability. We may escape from undecidability by upgrading the variety of the categorization by which we “see” our world. By using inadequate categorizations for understanding various issues, we may find ourselves in the awkward position of not being able to express, within the boundaries of our language, what we know that it is true; and also not being able to “see” the solution of a problematic situation which we know that it exists.
Gödel’s Incompleteness Theorem
Normal operations require official use of a shared language framework, but that same framework causing decision paralysis when confronted with an undecidable situation. Resolution of the undecidable situation is only possible by violating (i.e., going outside of) the shared bounds of the language framework. Thus, the organization faces an inherent, unavoidable dichotomy between the need for a shared language for communicating and the need for a meta-language to resolve undecidability.
p. 207-208, Barry Clemson, “Cybernetics: A New Management Tool”, 1984, Abacus Press
Settler colonialism
Settler colonialism is a form of colonialism which seeks to replace the original population of the colonized territory with a new society of settlers. As with all forms of colonialism, it is based on exogenous domination, typically organized or supported by an imperial authority. Settler colonialism is enacted by a variety of means ranging from violent depopulation of the previous inhabitants, to more subtle, legal means such as assimilation or recognition of indigenous identity within a colonial framework. Although "the settler-colonial logic of elimination has manifested as genocidal", it is "not invariably" so.
Unlike other forms of colonialism, the imperial power does not always represent the same nationality as the settlers. However, the colonizing authority generally views the settlers as racially superior to the previous inhabitants, which may give settlers’ social movements and political demands greater legitimacy than those of colonized peoples in the eyes of the home colonies, whereas natural and human resources are the main motivation behind other forms of colonialism. Normal colonialism typically ends eventually, whereas settler colonialism lasts indefinitely, except in the rare event of complete evacuation or settler decolonization.
Settler colonialism is generally discussed in terms of the one-way flow of British values, which overtake and repudiate the culture and history of the location in question. Transnational and global studies of settler colonialism often give more importance to the histories of British emigrants rather than the indigenous peoples that were displaced. Legal proceedings in Australia and Canada have challenged settler rights, highlighting the lasting effects of colonial takeover, and the continued displacement of Indigenous peoples at the start of the twenty-first century. In the United States, Western Australia and South Africa, government used land allotment as a legal way to take possession of indigenous peoples’ land.
The United States has acknowledged its history of slavery, but has not yet publicly dealt with the historic violence of settler colonialism. Although settler colonialism is a racial issue, it cannot be reduced simply to racism, and therefore cannot be solved through inclusion alone.
There Is No ‘Relatively Benign’  Version of Settler-Colonialism
By Yannick Marshall October 28, 2019
I might be made to agree with Erna Paris that using the term “genocide” in reference to Canada’s treatment of indigenous populations is inaccurate. But this would not be because I agree that the term is applied “gratuitously” or that the country’s record of assault against indigenous peoples does not meet the legal, that is to say the state’s, definition. But because the charge of genocide is not capacious enough, it cannot begin to reflect eliminatory violence in settler-colonial society.
If genocide is to refer to only the systematic and intentional destruction of a people, we will need a term that accounts for killings that are the result of dehumanization but can be unplanned, impulsive, or simply the result of disinterest in racially-marked life. Casting enslaved people on the Zong slave ship overboard to their drowning deaths to claim them for insurance is not the same as Lothar von Trotha’s ordering the extermination of the Herero. In the latter case the indigenous were considered a threat; in the former, they were dehumanized to the point of being seen as disposable cargo. Both were interested in elimination, but one did not require elaborate planning. Genocide organizes racist society’s sporadic killings. It is a wave in the ocean of racist culture’s weaponized disregard. To account for eliminatory violence, we must not only consider Auschwitz, but Kristallnacht — not only 1921 Tulsa, Oklahoma, but the Red Record.
In Canada — as in all colonies — colonialism’s violence is the violence of the everyday. Its most deleterious effects are those that are routinized and banal more than those that are spectacular. Conditioned as we are by Hollywood and historical writing to recognize colonialism only through the sensational incident, it is difficult to recognize the violence that has been naturalized. Where colonial violence is not celebrated in Westerns and Cornwallis statues, but disavowed, it is still only read in the massacre. It’s in Wounded Knee and the hunting down and killing of Mi’qmaq people, not in Yonge St. It is not read in what Red Nation activists Melanie Yazzie and Nick Estes call “anti-Indian common sense,” which is the way of thinking that assumes indigenous people are not really supposed to exist — one that leads to a mode of elimination that takes the form of “unnatural deaths”; deaths that come not from gas chambers but from winter; from the psychological after-effects of sexual violence, from depression, forced migration, and the law. Colonial anti-indigenous violence is certainly not read in the suffering of a substance-dependent African American subaltern woman in Regent Park, Toronto, or Baltimore (unless she can be proven to have Mi’qmaq or Seminole blood). The forced transatlantic migration of Africans has meant that not only bodies, but the ability to recognize the anti-indigenous violence that made their capture and removal possible, has been cast into the suds of the Middle Passage — Indigenous, non-Black scholars often peering over the gunwale.
The suicide rate for many indigenous communities is several times the Canadian national average. The Albuquerque Police Department has a rate of police shootings eight times that of the NYPD, disproportionately targeting indigenous communities. These are the “slow deaths” of settler-colonialism: a mode of elimination that is effective even if not methodical. The ubiquity of “anti-Indianness” makes colonial violence appear merely as the regrettable First Nation backdrop to ordinary Canadian life. That genocide is held up as the highest of all crimes may, in the end, say less about our abhorrence for mass atrocities than it does about how the long-term suffering of colonized people simply cannot register.
To defend against the charge of genocide raised by the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (MMIWG) report, liberal nationalists point out that many of the perpetrators are indigenous themselves. They nudge us towards seeking solutions in communities only, or suggest violence against indigenous women, girls, and gender non-confirming people are reflective of gender-based violence in general rather than state-sponsored genocidal practice — as if colonialism was not deliberate in its intensifying communal divisions and patriarchal power. These deflective maneuvers serve two purposes. They deflect from state culpability while announcing that the speaker is, in fact, on the side of marginalized peoples. The point towards “internal problems” is recognized by any Black Lives Matter sympathizer who has had to sit and endure similar attempts at misdirection. Racist police killings are defended by raising “Black on Black” violence, as if Black people are immune from internalizing the dehumanization inherent in anti-Black culture. If certain bodies, especially indigenous bodies, are popularly understood as disposable, they become vulnerable to attack by everyone. “Everyone” includes indigenous people. It is easy to prey on those who are considered surplus to society. It is easy to hate and hurt those who have been traditionally hated and hurt with impunity. Even — especially — if you look like them.
The charge of genocide has animated apologists for the Canadian project like nothing else. Unlike politicians’ statements of regret for a “sullied” past and the nation’s “failures,” it has seemed to draw immediate and passionate response. This is because “genocide” both threatens the liberal narrative of the Canadian project and suggests that something other than the performance of contrition is in order. Escape from the charge must hastily be arranged. Colonial culture becomes History: episodes in Canada’s “flawed” past. These are then condemned as “terrible.” Conviction is given the slip; pity is called for, not action; and a road to absolving the colony is eked out. Shaking one’s head disapprovingly is always an easier price to pay than remaking the social and material infrastructure of cities. Guilt, as James Baldwin said, never interferes with the “private chamber of the heart” where “the white American remains proud of that history for which he does not wish to pay, and from which, materially, he has profited so much.” And Canada is not different from America in this. The imagined geography of a relatively benign colonialism is liberal fiction. Settler culture does not step on the breaks at the US-Canada border. Colonial pioneers themselves traveled and imported their techniques of governance to new colonial outposts around the world. Generals were seconded; knowledge and representations of “the native” circulated globally. Settler-colonialism is not only racist atrocities in a defined space, but a way of seeing and treating the they.
Unsurprisingly, proposed solutions are caught in the web of liberalism, premised on “reconciliation.” Liberal solutions to problems effected by settler-colonialism, as Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang explain, always presume settler dominance and a settler future. The truth is colonialism cannot be rehabilitated. And let’s not forget, not all colonists are liberals. Everyday, still, settler citizens and “vigilantes” kill indigenous people in New Mexico, Kenya, Israel, and Afghanistan. A cursory glance at the comments section of editorials on the MMWIG reveal open advocacy for genocide in Canada. If an end to the culture of eliminatory violence is genuinely and earnestly sought, something other than a settler’s future may be required.
Black operation
This US Douglas A-26 C Invader was painted in fake Cuban Air Force colors for the military invasion of Cuba undertaken by the USAF sponsored paramilitary group Brigade 2506 in April 1961.
A black operation or black op is a covert or clandestine operation by a government agency, a military unit or a paramilitary organization; it can include activities by private companies or groups. Key features of a black operation are that it is secret and it is not attributable to the organization carrying it out.
A single such activity may be called a black bag operation; that term is primarily used for covert or clandestine surreptitious entries into structures to obtain information for human intelligence operations. Such operations are known to have been carried out by the FBI, CIA, Mossad, MI6, ASIS, COMANF, DGSE, MSS, R&AW, DGFI, ISI, SVR, FSB and the intelligence services of other nations.
The main difference between a black operation and one that is merely secret is that a black operation involves a significant degree of deception, to conceal who is behind it or to make it appear that some other entity is responsible ("false flag" operations).
Τελευταία Ενημέρωση στις Σάββατο, 22 Φεβρουάριος 2020 17:04