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Settler-Colonialism and the Myth Of Secret Societies PDF Εκτύπωση E-mail
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Συντάχθηκε απο τον/την Χρήστος Μπούμπουλης (Christos Boumpoulis)   
Πέμπτη, 04 Ιούλιος 2019 17:54
JFK's Speech on Secret Societies


John F Kennedy Assassination Real Footage: November 22, 1963


Settler-Colonialism and the Myth Of Secret Societies

In this article I shall try to justify the reasons for my imagining that, the British probably employ all the means they command in order to, literary, “evaporate” my humble human existence.
Since the anchient ages, the myth of “secret societies” exists.
According to my present knowledge, “secret societies” does not exist us such.
The British State, since ages, perpetrates settler-colonialism wherever it can.
Settler-colonialism forms non-uniformed, colonising armies the members of which, they are “drugged and maddened with opiates beforehand” bloodthirsty, genociders.
Settler-colonialism neutralises the reasoning ability of the colonised Nations members though poisoning them with opiates (or others e.g. MKUltra poisons) in order for them to become unable to defend themselves against the intruding settlers.
Settler-colonialism establishes front-organisations, which present them as supposed “secret societies” and/or as “social foundations”, in order to “drug and madden” (and/or brain-implant) indigenous civilians, which resort to them out of ignorance and/or poverty, and “enlist them as forced laborers in colonial or imperialist projects of resource extraction”.
Settler-colonialism establishes front-organisations, which present them as supposed “secret societies” and/or as “social foundations”, in order to “drugging and maddening” (and/or brain-implanting) of indigenous civilians which either they oppose to the settler-colonisation of their fatherland, or, they refuse to decline from their own human rights, and in order to, partially or totally, deprive them from their reasoning ability.
For circumstantial reasons which were combined with my fluency to effectively perform “debugging” as a method of problem solving (I am also a software engineer) I have been able to trace the British’s settler-colonialism’s network of front-organisations, along with their methods and the identities of certain key colonising perpetrators, in Greece.
Simultaneously, I believe that, I am a lawfull and honest indigenous Greek (and quasi German) patriot.
According to common sense, any lawful, honest and patriotic indigenous Greek who might, legitimately and democratically, gain political power within Greece’s political system, unavoidably, he would demolish the British settler-colonising infrastructure which is genociding the Greek Nations and he would restore, peace, freedom, cooperation and frugal prosperity, in Greece. Also, he would methodise the transformation of the British National economy to one that is self-sufficient and legitimate and finally, he would establish all the necessary infrustructure in order for the (martial races) Nomads to live, according to their civilization and happily, while enjoying freedom, lawlessness and unlimited quantities of hashish, without harming anyone of the other Nations.
However, and from what it seems, the British are, more or less, unable to depart from their ages long genocidal traditions, thus the extermination of each and every, actuall or imaginary, political dissident remains their core and monolithic method for earning their living.
The settler-colonisers’ gun-shooting and bombing, apparently, they have been modernised to, the gang-stalking, the claustrum-manipulating brain-implanting, and to using chemical, biological, directed-energy and God knows what else, unconventional military weapons.
Consequently, I tend to believe that, in order for them to retain in Greece the, established since many decades ago, repulsive face of settler-colonialism, the British settler-colonisers may intend to, literary, “evaporate” the humble human existences of all existing, among them myself also, lawful, honest and patriotic indigenous Greek citizen. And in the rare case that, such a patriot is also a quasi German, then, I imagine that, before “taking care of him”, they shall accumulate, literary, a “mountain” of fabricated false “incriminating” him evidence in order to treat his post mortem fame, more or less, as they dishonestly treated, e.g. the memory of the Greece’s ex prime minister Konstantinos Karamanlis.

Christos Boumpoulis


Genocide of indigenous peoples
According to David Maybury-Lewis, imperial and colonial forms of genocide are enacted in two main ways, either through the deliberate clearing of territories of their original inhabitants in order to make them exploitable for purposes of resource extraction or colonial settlements, or through enlisting indigenous peoples as forced laborers in colonial or imperialist projects of resource extraction.

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Genocide_of_indigenous_peoples

Repugnant: JFK on Secret Societies

“Censorship and Concealment” Pose a “Grave Danger”

JFK had only been in office for three months when he gave one of the most important speeches of his shortened presidency. The night was intended to be light and casual — just another forgettable political and social event — but Kennedy seized the opportunity to warn the country about a “grave danger” facing the country that had only been previously discussed in whispers. Speaking to the American Newspapers Publishers Association on April 27th 1961, John Kennedy shined a light on the inherent dangers with the concepts of secrecy, concealment and censorship, going so far as to call them “repugnant.”

The very word ‘secrecy’ is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths and to secret proceedings.

Kennedy never revealed which secret societies he was referring to, but there are words and phrases contained in his speech that provide clues about which groups he was so concerned. There appear to be three tiers of societies that he describes, each with an increased level of secrecy and impact on government and society as a whole.

Although JFK was a Harvard grad, throughout his political career he was surrounded by Yale graduates, some of the most powerful of whom were members of a campus secret society known as “Skull and Bones.” Secret oaths and secret proceedings certainly describes how Skull and Bones operated. Notable Skull and Bones members included:

James Jesus Angleton, CIA
Henry Luce, founder of Life magazine
Henry Stimson, Secretary of War
Robert Lovett, Secretary of Defense
George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush

Historians have stated that Yale — specifically Skull and Bones — seems to be a breeding ground for future members of politics and the intelligence community. Sixteen of the most powerful members of Skull and Bones can be found here.

The timing of this speech was not coincidental. It occurred less than a month after the botched Bay of Pigs invasion. Publicly JFK took responsibility for the fiasco, however in private he blamed the Central Intelligence Agency along with its director, Allen Dulles. Dulles and Deputy Director Charles Cabell were forced to resign shortly following the doomed operation. Their firings were just the first step in JFK’s dream to “splinter the CIA into a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds.”

It is the CIA that Kennedy incriminates next:

For we are opposed around the world by a monolithic and ruthless conspiracy that relies primarily on covert means for expanding its sphere of influence — on infiltration instead of invasion, on subversion instead of elections, on intimidation instead of free choice, on guerrillas by night instead of armies by day.

By this time this speech was delivered, in its short lifetime the CIA had already caused numerous coups, toppled multiple foreign governments and impacted numerous elections around the globe. These included:

Italy elections, 1948
Overthrow of Mohammed Mossadegh in Iran, 1953
Arbenz overthrown in Guatemala, 1954
Assisted “Papa Doc” Duvalier to become dictator of Haiti, 1959

The CIA was also actively involved in Cuba, Laos and Vietnam in 1961. Likely unbeknownst to Kennedy, the organization which had long since exceeded its mandate of simply intelligence gathering, had begun Operation Mockingbird and commenced its MK-ULTRA mind-control experiments.

The last “secret” organization — knowingly or unknowingly — that Kennedy discussed was the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR).

It is a system which has conscripted vast human and material resources into the building of a tightly knit, highly efficient machine that combines military, diplomatic, intelligence, economic, scientific and political operations.

Its preparations are concealed, not published. Its mistakes are buried, not headlined. Its dissenters are silenced, not praised. No expenditure is questioned, no rumor is printed, no secret is revealed. It conducts the Cold War, in short, with a war-time discipline no democracy would ever hope or wish to match.

Since its inception in 1921, the CFR had systematically positioned its members in key positions of government, the military, intelligence agencies, the media, science communities and institutions of higher learning. In doing so they were able to influence world events, impact their outcome, and control the narrative after the fact. Notable members of the CFR included:

Henry Luce and CD Jackson of Time and Life
Averell Harriman
George Kennan
Paul Nitze
Walter Lippmann
William “Wild Bill” Donovan
Frank Wisner
Christian Herter
John McCloy
Dan Rather
Dwight Eisenhower

JFK was also surrounded by CFR members:

Allen Dulles
Adlai Stevenson
Dean Acheson
Dean Rusk
General Lyman Lemnizter
General Maxwell Taylor
Henry Cabot Lodge
John McCone
McGeorge Bundy
John Galbraith
George Ball
Douglas Dillon

It should be noted that a number of CFR members were also graduates of Yale and Skull and Bones.

Throughout his presidency, directly or indirectly the CFR would instigate countless problems for JFK, including the Bay of Pigs, Berlin, Vietnam, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and the standoff with U.S. Steel. Two longtime members of the CFR — Allen Dulles and John J. McCloy — would go on to serve on the Warren Commission following John Kennedy’s assassination.

Source: https://medium.com/@SwordOfCamelot/repugnant-jfk-on-secret-societies-16f0bdba217e

The President and the Press: Address before the American Newspaper Publishers Association, April 27, 1961

President John F. Kennedy
Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, New York City
April 27, 1961

Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen:

I appreciate very much your generous invitation to be here tonight.
You bear heavy responsibilities these days and an article I read some time ago reminded me of how particularly heavily the burdens of present day events bear upon your profession.
You may remember that in 1851 the New York Herald Tribune under the sponsorship and publishing of Horace Greeley, employed as its London correspondent an obscure journalist by the name of Karl Marx.
We are told that foreign correspondent Marx, stone broke, and with a family ill and undernourished, constantly appealed to Greeley and managing editor Charles Dana for an increase in his munificent salary of $5 per installment, a salary which he and Engels ungratefully labeled as the "lousiest petty bourgeois cheating."
But when all his financial appeals were refused, Marx looked around for other means of livelihood and fame, eventually terminating his relationship with the Tribune and devoting his talents full time to the cause that would bequeath the world the seeds of Leninism, Stalinism, revolution and the cold war.
If only this capitalistic New York newspaper had treated him more kindly; if only Marx had remained a foreign correspondent, history might have been different. And I hope all publishers will bear this lesson in mind the next time they receive a poverty-stricken appeal for a small increase in the expense account from an obscure newspaper man.
I have selected as the title of my remarks tonight "The President and the Press." Some may suggest that this would be more naturally worded "The President Versus the Press." But those are not my sentiments tonight.
It is true, however, that when a well-known diplomat from another country demanded recently that our State Department repudiate certain newspaper attacks on his colleague it was unnecessary for us to reply that this Administration was not responsible for the press, for the press had already made it clear that it was not responsible for this Administration.
Nevertheless, my purpose here tonight is not to deliver the usual assault on the so-called one party press. On the contrary, in recent months I have rarely heard any complaints about political bias in the press except from a few Republicans. Nor is it my purpose tonight to discuss or defend the televising of Presidential press conferences. I think it is highly beneficial to have some 20,000,000 Americans regularly sit in on these conferences to observe, if I may say so, the incisive, the intelligent and the courteous qualities displayed by your Washington correspondents.
Nor, finally, are these remarks intended to examine the proper degree of privacy which the press should allow to any President and his family
If in the last few months your White House reporters and photographers have been attending church services with regularity, that has surely done them no harm.
On the other hand, I realize that your staff and wire service photographers may be complaining that they do not enjoy the same green privileges at the local golf courses that they once did.
It is true that my predecessor did not object as I do to pictures of one's golfing skill in action. But neither on the other hand did he ever bean a Secret Service man.
My topic tonight is a more sober one of concern to publishers as well as editors.
I want to talk about our common responsibilities in the face of a common danger. The events of recent weeks may have helped to illuminate that challenge for some; but the dimensions of its threat have loomed large on the horizon for many years. Whatever our hopes may be for the future – for reducing this threat or living with it – there is no escaping either the gravity or the totality of its challenge to our survival and to our security – a challenge that confronts us in unaccustomed ways in every sphere of human activity.
This deadly challenge imposes upon our society two requirements of direct concern both to the press and to the President--two requirements that may seem almost contradictory in tone, but which must be reconciled and fulfilled if we are to meet this national peril. I refer, first, to the need for a far greater public information; and, second, to the need for far greater official secrecy.
The very word "secrecy" is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths and to secret proceedings. We decided long ago that the dangers of excessive and unwarranted concealment of pertinent facts far outweighed the dangers which are cited to justify it. Even today, there is little value in opposing the threat of a closed society by imitating its arbitrary restrictions. Even today, there is little value in insuring the survival of our nation if our traditions do not survive with it. And there is very grave danger that an announced need for increased security will be seized upon by those anxious to expand its meaning to the very limits of official censorship and concealment. That I do not intend to permit to the extent that it is in my control. And no official of my Administration, whether his rank is high or low, civilian or military, should interpret my words here tonight as an excuse to censor the news, to stifle dissent, to cover up our mistakes or to withhold from the press and the public the facts they deserve to know.
But I do ask every publisher, every editor, and every newsman in the nation to reexamine his own standards, and to recognize the nature of our country's peril. In time of war, the government and the press have customarily joined in an effort based largely on self-discipline, to prevent unauthorized disclosures to the enemy. In time of "clear and present danger," the courts have held that even the privileged rights of the First Amendment must yield to the public's need for national security.
Today no war has been declared – and however fierce the struggle may be, it may never be declared in the traditional fashion. Our way of life is under attack. Those who make themselves our enemy are advancing around the globe. The survival of our friends is in danger. And yet no war has been declared, no borders have been crossed by marching troops, no missiles have been fired.
If the press is awaiting a declaration of war before it imposes the self-discipline of combat conditions, then I can only say that no war ever posed a greater threat to our security. If you are awaiting a finding of "clear and present danger," then I can only say that the danger has never been more clear and its presence has never been more imminent.
It requires a change in outlook, a change in tactics, a change in missions – by the government, by the people, by every businessman or labor leader, and by every newspaper. For we are opposed around the world by a monolithic and ruthless conspiracy that relies primarily on covert means for expanding its sphere of influence – on infiltration instead of invasion, on subversion instead of elections, on intimidation instead of free choice, on guerrillas by night instead of armies by day. It is a system which has conscripted vast human and material resources into the building of a tightly knit, highly efficient machine that combines military, diplomatic, intelligence, economic, scientific and political operations.
Its preparations are concealed, not published. Its mistakes are buried, not headlined. Its dissenters are silenced, not praised. No expenditure is questioned, no rumor is printed, no secret is revealed. It conducts the Cold War, in short, with a war-time discipline no democracy would ever hope or wish to match.
Nevertheless, every democracy recognizes the necessary restraints of national security – and the question remains whether those restraints need to be more strictly observed if we are to oppose this kind of attack as well as outright invasion.
For the facts of the matter are that this nation's foes have openly boasted of acquiring through our newspapers information they would otherwise hire agents to acquire through theft, bribery or espionage; that details of this nation's covert preparations to counter the enemy's covert operations have been available to every newspaper reader, friend and foe alike; that the size, the strength, the location and the nature of our forces and weapons, and our plans and strategy for their use, have all been pinpointed in the press and other news media to a degree sufficient to satisfy any foreign power; and that, in at least in one case, the publication of details concerning a secret mechanism whereby satellites were followed required its alteration at the expense of considerable time and money.
The newspapers which printed these stories were loyal, patriotic, responsible and well-meaning. Had we been engaged in open warfare, they undoubtedly would not have published such items. But in the absence of open warfare, they recognized only the tests of journalism and not the tests of national security. And my question tonight is whether additional tests should not now be adopted.
The question is for you alone to answer. No public official should answer it for you. No governmental plan should impose its restraints against your will. But I would be failing in my duty to the nation, in considering all of the responsibilities that we now bear and all of the means at hand to meet those responsibilities, if I did not commend this problem to your attention, and urge its thoughtful consideration.
On many earlier occasions, I have said – and your newspapers have constantly said – that these are times that appeal to every citizen's sense of sacrifice and self-discipline. They call out to every citizen to weigh his rights and comforts against his obligations to the common good. I cannot now believe that those citizens who serve in the newspaper business consider themselves exempt from that appeal.
I have no intention of establishing a new Office of War Information to govern the flow of news. I am not suggesting any new forms of censorship or any new types of security classifications. I have no easy answer to the dilemma that I have posed, and would not seek to impose it if I had one. But I am asking the members of the newspaper profession and the industry in this country to reexamine their own responsibilities, to consider the degree and the nature of the present danger, and to heed the duty of self-restraint which that danger imposes upon us all.
Every newspaper now asks itself, with respect to every story: "Is it news?" All I suggest is that you add the question: "Is it in the interest of the national security?" And I hope that every group in America – unions and businessmen and public officials at every level – will ask the same question of their endeavors, and subject their actions to the same exacting tests.
And should the press of America consider and recommend the voluntary assumption of specific new steps or machinery, I can assure you that we will cooperate whole-heartedly with those recommendations.
Perhaps there will be no recommendations. Perhaps there is no answer to the dilemma faced by a free and open society in a cold and secret war. In times of peace, any discussion of this subject, and any action that results, are both painful and without precedent. But this is a time of peace and peril which knows no precedent in history.
It is the unprecedented nature of this challenge that also gives rise to your second obligation – an obligation which I share. And that is our obligation to inform and alert the American people – to make certain that they possess all the facts that they need, and understand them as well – the perils, the prospects, the purposes of our program and the choices that we face.
No President should fear public scrutiny of his program. For from that scrutiny comes understanding; and from that understanding comes support or opposition. And both are necessary. I am not asking your newspapers to support the Administration, but I am asking your help in the tremendous task of informing and alerting the American people. For I have complete confidence in the response and dedication of our citizens whenever they are fully informed.
I not only could not stifle controversy among your readers – I welcome it. This Administration intends to be candid about its errors; for as a wise man once said: "An error does not become a mistake until you refuse to correct it." We intend to accept full responsibility for our errors; and we expect you to point them out when we miss them.
Without debate, without criticism, no Administration and no country can succeed – and no republic can survive. That is why the Athenian lawmaker Solon decreed it a crime for any citizen to shrink from controversy. And that is why our press was protected by the First Amendment – the only business in America specifically protected by the Constitution – not primarily to amuse and entertain, not to emphasize the trivial and the sentimental, not to simply "give the public what it wants" – but to inform, to arouse, to reflect, to state our dangers and our opportunities, to indicate our crises and our choices, to lead, mold, educate and sometimes even anger public opinion.
This means greater coverage and analysis of international news--for it is no longer far away and foreign but close at hand and local. It means greater attention to improved understanding of the news as well as improved transmission. And it means, finally, that government at all levels, must meet its obligation to provide you with the fullest possible information outside the narrowest limits of national security--and we intend to do it.
It was early in the Seventeenth Century that Francis Bacon remarked on three recent inventions already transforming the world: the compass, gunpowder and the printing press. Now the links between the nations first forged by the compass have made us all citizens of the world, the hopes and threats of one becoming the hopes and threats of us all. In that one world's efforts to live together, the evolution of gunpowder to its ultimate limit has warned mankind of the terrible consequences of failure.
And so it is to the printing press – to the recorder of man's deeds, the keeper of his conscience, the courier of his news--that we look for strength and assistance, confident that with your help man will be what he was born to be: free and independent.

Source: https://www.jfklibrary.org/archives/other-resources/john-f-kennedy-speeches/american-newspaper-publishers-association-19610427

III. The Cult Identified; and Names Named

They know they are protected. They know they are above the law. My husband is above the law. Judge John Moore (who had his first wife thrown into a mental institution), Col. Barry Cantor, Grover Wright, Marine Corps. It’s a very small cult/secret society. I have heard what they do when they become Colonels. It’s the same thing that they do in Skull and Bones, and Cap and Gown (which has a lot of intelligence officers and boys who have been raped)…. They do a lot of homosexual enticements. This keeps them from telling secrets. The crème of the crop are doing this; they are having sex parties, orgies, etc. The men who rise to the top are the ones who are picked to have the pool parties, etc. This is General Alfred M. Gray, the main prime mover. (They start off with the wild secretaries) .
My husband was Chief of Staff for Al Gray, who runs all the dirty tricks for the Army. Linda Tripp (of the Monica Lewinsky scandal), formerly of Delta Force, worked for General Carl Steiner… She’s a dirty tricks expert.
General Jim R. Joy, was the one who was behind the whole Panama Operation (with General Sheehan), that got Noriega out of Panama. They trained all the guys who did what they did to David Koresch at Waco. He and Generals Steiner and Sheehan are the ones behind the black helicopters.
It’s all to sell weapons, to sell weapons, drugs; it’s all about funny money.
They were Army and Navy together. George calls them the “members of the firm.” I’ve heard them called “the brotherhood.” They are very close. It’s a small group and it’s very hierarchical. I’ve had Caspar Weinberg “farm” me. They are doing profiling on me. They knew I loved international people. Because I’d already demonstrated that.
Seal Teams 4, 6, and 8 are on the east coast. Odd numbers are on the West Coast. The Israelis train with the Seals. They do a lot of wet ops, murders, over here because of some sort of arrangement. The taxpayers are paying mercenaries, young men who are not citizens of the U.S., to kill innocent people, women and children. They get on a flight from Norfolk, then they go by a special helicopter to countries like Turkey, Iraq, or Algeria. And they do wet ops, they murder 5, 10, 20 people. Then they blame it on the Arabs. But these are actually NATO rogue assassins. They are from Australia, Britain, South Africa, etc.
There was a group of sexual psychologists and psychiatrists from Vienna. I was their expert. There’s a whole range that study sexual perversion; Harvard, Yale, John Hopkins, and this Colorado group. A lot of these guys got their experience in Vietnam. They took these little boys, that’s what their doing in Bosnia right now. They are training future leaders in perversion. The British has a school that George was working with in Indonesia. There was already a program in East Timor that had been set up by the Australians during WWII.
T. Parker Host now controls my husband along with Bob Edwards. T. Parker Host was the Finnish Council (at one time he was Norwegian and Icelandic Council). He brags about being with the mobs.
The ports are run by a homosexual hierarchy. Albert Einstein was in that little ring that the Saudis were in. George and Einstein partied together. Parker was in the Burma Special Operations Command. And he bragged about this. Parker plotted and did me in.
My husband is so close to Bush, MacFarlane, and Scrowcroft and all these guys.
My home and car were broken into while I was in court. Very strategically, I was called by a Marine Colonel named Jack who involved with this maritime shipping business. I had been invited as a guest to a banquet with George Bush and John Warner. Guess who introduced George Bush? T. Parker Host. He made it to the big time.
The Skull and Bones induction methods are now used in the Army. This goes back to the German thing, it’s what the German High Command did. They say it goes back to Greece. They do the bowling ball trick. Now the Chiefs (of Staff) have to do this. They get everybody really drunk. Sometimes they call it “dining in.” Not everybody does it. But the ones who do it, they get right up to the top. They do anal sex. They put someone in the coffin and he’s the recipient of all the oral and anal sex acts.
Now, the young Army Seals, Delta Force, Buds (they emerging Seals group), their training exercise is to break into civilians houses… for practice. They broke into my house.
They will do anything necessary to get what they want politically and economically. In other words, killing a leader, killing 20 people, according to them, is a lot better than war… this is the way they rationalize it.

Source: https://911nwo.com/?p=5876

Turning Gurkhas into a new 'Victim Race'
The Gurkhas became more institutionalised into the British military than any other 'Martial Race', forming their own brigade and fighting in the First World War, the Second World War, the colonial wars, the Falklands, Kosovo and Iraq. They became the colonial people employed to put down other colonial peoples.
The Gurkhas were discussed in explicitly racial terms. For nineteenth-century British colonialists, the inhabitants of south Asia were, for the most part, a disgusting and unthinking mass, lacking the intelligence or humanitarian instincts of the white race. In the 1860s, one British officer said 'Asiatic soldiers' do not have 'the same pluck or moral courage as the European... unless drugged and maddened by opiates beforehand' (4). One British observer said Indians and other south Asians 'live in a different stage of civilisation and intellectual development... their only courage is apathy and their valour consists in animal ferocity. A native soldier, of whatever rank, has no heroism, and he is ignorant of honour in every acceptation of the word.' (5) Gurkhas, by contrast, were considered not to be 'fully Asiatic', since they were brave and more loyal than other, non-heroic, dishonourable Asiatic peoples.

Source: http://spiked-online.com/newsite/article/6648#.W3nVm6vQDs0

Dark legacy of Britain’s opium wars still felt today amid fight against drug addiction and trafficking

Greedy traders backed by military supremacy had built a global trade in addictive drugs by the turn of the 19th century, the effects of which countries worldwide continue to battle

William Gladstone, who came from the same Liberal Party as Palmerston, became prime minister in 1865. Gladstone had been a staunch critic of Britain’s involvement in the opium trade, calling it “most infamous and atrocious”. He also lambasted the two Opium Wars as “Palmerston’s war”. But the profit from the drug trade was lucrative and irresistible. Britain did not restrict the opium trade to China until 1906.

Source: http://storiesandnarrative.blogspot.com/2018/10/dark-legacy-of-britains-opium-wars_5.html?m=1

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