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My father's death

 

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Dry mini submarine

 

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Foreign intervention in Greece?

 

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pr. Donald Trump

 

  

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Involuntary Human Sacrifices in Greece and the Buckingham Palace (corrected) PDF Εκτύπωση E-mail
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Συντάχθηκε απο τον/την Χρήστος Μπούμπουλης (Christos Boumpoulis)   
Πέμπτη, 13 Σεπτέμβριος 2018 23:33
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Involuntary Human Sacrifices in Greece and the Buckingham Palace (corrected)
 

It is my estimation that, the reader, most probably, would feel pity for me in case s/he might had found out how much absurd are many of the arguments by which, the contemporary colonizers, employ to, literary, demolish (unsuccesfully until this very moment), my patience; my good manners and my faith on a prosperous future, for my people (the Germans and the Greeks) and for myself.

Here is my reply to some of them.

In Greece, the involvement of militants, while they remain in active duty, in politics is forbiden by law. In order for the militants to become politically elected, they have to previously resign from their military active duties. In short, citizens should keep themselves in the society and soldiers, of any rank, should keep themselves in the barracks; while failling to discrminate causes, potentially, irreparable troubles.

During peace time, there is no room for the active militants in participating to the government of Democratic societies, for obvious reasons. One of them is that, a soldier of any military rank does not bare responsibility for his or hers actions because he or she follows orders thus there is no accountability in the Armies. And another one of them is the fact that, by the way they have been military trained, the way they may enforce discipline is, through arbitrary violence (please see, in appendix, the related story with the Chinese military general Sun Tzu and the curcumbines). The involuntary human sacrifice is a soldier’s ordinary means of enforcing discipline while, the involuntary human sacrifice, within Democracies, remain an absolutely forbidden means for any cause, whatsoever.

In Greece during the many past decades, the members of the political system are, obviously, non-uniformed active militants; which is something that is verified by the obvious fact that, these members, bluntly, refuse to become accountable about their overt treason, on June 2010, of not unilateraly, terminating the “Hugh Cooper & Co” treaty in order to make, Greece’s enormously wealthy mineral reserves, eligible for economic exploitation for the benefit of the Greek Nation’s members.

Also, according to undeniable historical facts, the contemporary Greece is nothing but an United Kingdom’s colony. And this fact, indicates the United Kingdom’s colonizing army members’ specific characteristics (please read in the Appendix, the related article which is titled “Turning Gurkhas into a new 'Victim Race' “). The Buckingham Palace’s choice of addressing active, political governance roles, within Greece’s political system, to individuals who may have been “drugged and maddened by opiates beforehand” means that, this authority, undoubtedly, bares the responsibility of the negative consequences upon the innocent and kind Greek Nation.

For each and every, Greek citizen’s missfortune, for the above reasons, the Buckingham Palace remains the ultimate responsible authority.

More specifically, on April 9th 2016, Giannis Aggelou perished due to “cancer”. This tragic incident remains a time-mark.

From April 9th 2016 and then, each and every Greek citizen’s death or serious illness, for me, is an unforgivable criminal act and there is never going to be, on my behalf, any kind of bargaining with regard to the political consequences of such deaths or illnesses.

Each year, statistically, around 100,000 (one hundread thousands) Greek citizens die from illnesses which, formally, have been manifested spontaneously. I doubt about the, supposed, spontaneous character of these illnesses, for reasons that I am, currently, not in a position to disclose publicly. Therefore, I consider, each and every instance where, any, younger than 80 years old, Greek citizens might, either, perished, or, became seriously ill, as a consequence of a criminal act for which, ultimately, responsible should be held the Buckingham Palace.

The consequences of the contemporary colonialism’s criminality by no means could ever become, neither, vindicated, nor, resolved, by the involuntary sacrifice of any innocent civilians. Instead, the Buckingham Palace should realize that, the international community remains quite, able, as, well as, willing, to, eventually, enjoy, Peace, Freedom, Cooperation and frugal Prosperity, provided that, the Britons would realize the collective benefits, for our human kind, of the blessing of the voluntary self-sacrifice.

 

Christos Boumpoulis

economist

 

P.S.: 1. Within an imaginary version of our world in which, the writter of the present article might had been burdened with the legitimate authority, and the corresponding responsibility, to, collectively, care for the German citizens, any, of a younger than 80 years old, German citizen’s, incident of, death, or, serious illness, or, serious accident, would result Germany`s, almost, entering a quasi “state of emergency” until the true causes of such incidents would become, totally, disclosed and resolved (exactly the same with Greece and the Greek citizens). 2. One of the most atrocious kind of torture which, the contemporary gangstalking (namely, zersetzen torture) includes is, having to bare the absurd instrumental, would be, “political arguments” that, the British services’ members disseminate through the Internet to cover up their colonizing, atrocious criminality. 3. I tend to consider, everything that I say; everything that I write; and everything that I think, as, probably, being, more or less, negligible; though, despite what I may, say, write, or think, each and every crime, according to the existing, divine Justice, is going to, sooner or later, become, justly, punished.

 

Appendix

 

The Story of Sun Tzu

Sun Tzu is a famous military strategist who wrote a book titled THE ART OF WAR, which over the centuries has become a highly regarded treatise on military theory.

Ssu-ma Ch`ien gives the following biography of Sun Tzu:

Sun Tzu Wu (Sun Tzu) was a native of the Ch`i State. His ART OF WAR brought him to the notice of Ho Lu, King of Wu. Ho Lu said to him: "I have carefully perused your 13 chapters. May I submit your theory of managing soldiers to a slight test?" Sun Tzu replied: "You may." Ho Lu asked: "May the test be applied to women?" The answer was again in the affirmative, so arrangements were made to bring 180 ladies out of the Palace.

Sun Tzu divided them into two companies, and placed one of the King's favorite concubines at the head of each. He then bade them all take spears in their hands, and addressed them thus: "I presume you know the difference between front and back, right and and left hand?" The girls replied: Yes.

Sun Tzu went on: "When I say "Eyes front," you must look straight ahead. When I say "Left turn," you must face towards your left hand. When I say "Right turn," you must face towards your right hand. When I say "About turn," you must face right round towards your back." Again the girls assented. The words of command having been thus explained, he set up the halberds and battle-axes in order to begin the drill. Then, to the sound of drums, he gave the order "Right turn." But the girls only burst out laughing. Sun Tzu said: "If words of command are not clear and distinct, if orders are not thoroughly understood, then the general is to blame."

So he started drilling them again, and this time gave the order "Left turn," whereupon the girls once more burst into fits of laughter. Sun Tzu: "If words of command are not clear and distinct, if orders are not thoroughly understood, the general is to blame. But if his orders ARE clear, and the soldiers nevertheless disobey, then it is the fault of their officers."

So saying, he ordered the leaders of the two companies to be beheaded. Now the king of Wu was watching the scene from the top of a raised pavilion; and when he saw that his favorite concubines were about to be executed, he was greatly alarmed and hurriedly sent down the following message: "We are now quite satisfied as to our general's ability to handle troops. If we are bereft of these two concubines, our meat and drink will lose their savor. It is our wish that they shall not be beheaded."

Sun Tzu replied: "Having once received His Majesty's commission to be the general of his forces, there are certain commands of His Majesty which, acting in that capacity, I am unable to accept."Accordingly, he had the two leaders beheaded, and straightway installed the pair next in order as leaders in their place. When this had been done, the drum was sounded for the drill once more; and the girls went through all the evolution, turning to the right or to the left, marching ahead or wheeling back, kneeling or standing, with perfect accuracy and precision, not venturing to utter a sound.

Then Sun Tzu sent a messenger to the King saying: "Your soldiers, Sire, are now properly drilled and disciplined, and ready for your majesty's inspection. They can be put to any use that their sovereign may desire; bid them go through fire and water, and they will not disobey."

Source: http://www.drabruzzi.com/story_of_sun_tzu.htm

 

Turning Gurkhas into a new 'Victim Race'
The bizarre Battle of the Excluded Gurkha, led by Joanna Lumley, sheds light on the crisis of meaning in today's Tory and Labour parties.
First things first: all Gurkhas and their families should be free to settle in Britain. They should benefit fully from Britain's social services, healthcare and education system. All discrepancies in pay and pensions between British-born soldiers and foreign-born Gurkhas should be ironed out (1). If Britain is going to employ non-British citizens in its military forces, then it must guarantee them equal treatment and pay, instead of keeping the Gurkhas as a pet caste of money-saving, second-class military men.
However, the current Battle of the Excluded Gurkha, the campaign led by the clipped-toned actress Joanna Lumley to secure right of residence in the UK for retired Gurkhas, has become about something more than equal treatment. It has become bound up with contemporary politics – in particular with the development of a shallow brand of 'New Conservatism' and with the utter collapse of the New Labour government's moral and popular authority.
The Gurkha campaign shows the extent to which the traditional wing of the elite – the Telegraph-reading, Tory-supporting officer classes, for whom the Gurkhas have always been 'loyal friends' – has embraced the politics of victimology over old-fashioned ideals of militarism and superiority. And it shows the extent to which the current ruling section of the elite – the non-officer-classes of New Labour – is now so bereft of purpose and direction that it can be rattled by the so-called 'forces of conservatism' it claimed to have defeated in the late 1990s.
Not for the first time, the Gurkhas are being used as a proxy army – only this time not to defend the interests of British imperialism, but rather to try to uncover some idea of 'British values' here at home, and to shift the pieces on the depressing chessboard that is contemporary British politics.
Reading about the current pro-Gurkha campaign – led by Lumley, daughter of Major James Rutherford Lumley, who served with the 6th Gurkha Rifles in the British Indian Army, and backed by virtually the entire media – you could be forgiven for thinking that the Gurkhas have only recently been treated badly. That in Major Lumley's days in India, or 'Inja', they had a lovely life and it is only under the tyranny of uncaring, bureaucratic New Labourites that they have been turned into second-class soldiers.
Not so. The Gurkhas have always been treated as second class, as loyal but peculiar, as a race apart, as less intelligent than the white leaders of the British Army but a bit more trustworthy than the everyday wogs of Nepal, Burma and India. Indeed, the Gurkhas have long been an institutional expression of inequality: they were made and sustained, not by British decency, but by British racism.
The Gurkhas are a creation of Britain's old colonial policy of 'divide and rule'. Hailing from Nepal, and named after the eighth-century Hindu warrior saint Guru Gorakhnath, they were first recruited into the British Army following the Anglo-Nepalese war of 1814 to 1816, when British forces defeated Gurkha forces yet were impressed by their courage and tenacity. The Gurkhas were named a 'Martial Race' – that is, a race of people who were naturally brave, loyal and bloodthirsty. In the subcontinent under British rule from the early 1800s to the mid-twentieth century, the British tended to divide local peoples into two camps: 'Martial Races', those considered well-built for fighting, and 'Non-Martial Races', those judged to have 'sedentary lifestyles' and thus to be unsuited to serving in colonial armies: too slothful, inactive, uncreative, lazy (2).
This discovery of 'Martial Races' occurred across the British Empire. Sikhs in India were also judged to be a 'Warrior Race' who could be trusted to join colonial armies in order to crush uprisings amongst the 'unruly' sections of Indian society; the Masai in Kenya were also judged a 'Warrior Race' when they were considered useful for shoring up British rule in Kenya (3). Not surprisingly, the distinction between Martial Races and Non-Martial Races corresponded neatly with those who generally supported British colonialism, or who benefited from it, and those who did not: in other words, behind the separation of Third World peoples into 'brave' camps and 'sedentary' camps, there lurked the low politics of divide and rule. The Gurkhas became more institutionalised into the British military than any other 'Martial Race', forming their own brigade and fighting in the First World War, the Second World War, the colonial wars, the Falklands, Kosovo and Iraq. They became the colonial people employed to put down other colonial peoples.
The Gurkhas were discussed in explicitly racial terms. For nineteenth-century British colonialists, the inhabitants of south Asia were, for the most part, a disgusting and unthinking mass, lacking the intelligence or humanitarian instincts of the white race. In the 1860s, one British officer said 'Asiatic soldiers' do not have 'the same plBuck or moral courage as the European... unless drugged and maddened by opiates beforehand' (4). One British observer said Indians and other south Asians 'live in a different stage of civilisation and intellectual development... their only courage is apathy and their valour consists in animal ferocity. A native soldier, of whatever rank, has no heroism, and he is ignorant of honour in every acceptation of the word.' (5) Gurkhas, by contrast, were considered not to be 'fully Asiatic', since they were brave and more loyal than other, non-heroic, dishonourable Asiatic peoples.
However, even when the Gurkhas were championed, it tended to be on the basis that their non-European racial features – their status as a Martial Race – made them perfect fighting machines. In the Victorian era, one writer said the great thing about the Gurkhas is that they do not have 'a very high estimate of the value of life'; they are 'less encumbered by the mental doubts or humanitarian sentiment [of Europeans], and thus not so moved by slaughter and mutilation' (7). This image of Gurkhas as peculiarly fearless and emotionless has been exploited by the British military and military historians right up to the modern period – and it has, as one critical author said in 1990, tended to 'deny the humanity of these soldiers' (8).
That Gurkhas are now being treated as second-class citizens, different even from those non-British, Commonwealth members of the military who are granted full residential rights in the UK, is not all that surprising: their origin is as a band of fighters more trustworthy than your average Asian but 'less equal' than your average Westerner. It is not merely New Labour thoughtlessness that has made these men second-class soldiers, but rather the long history of their cultivation as 'good wogs' whose lack of humanitarianism could be harnessed for British imperialist ends. As late as last year, three Gurkhas lost a High Court case in which they sought to challenge their payment of pensions that were around '24 per cent to 36 per cent' of normal military pensions (9). Such treatment is an ugly historical hangover from the fact that the Gurkhas have long been seen, effectively, as 24 to 36 per cent human.
The history of the Gurkhas explains the curious divide over their predicament today. The conservative wing of British society, those descended from the officer classes who look upon Gurkhas as their honourable servants, have enthusiastically embraced the new Gurkha cause. New Labour, meanwhile, which may be as militaristic as ever, but which lacks any institutional link to the old colonial practices of the past, seems completely desensitised to the 'Gurkha issue'. Now a middle-class party that draws its MPs from think-tanks rather than from actual tanks, it seems blasé about the Gurkhas. The televised stand-off between Joanna Lumley, that well-spoken daughter of colonialism, and Phil Woolas, the bumbling, bureaucratic, northern-voiced minister for immigration, captured well the divide on the Gurkha issue.
However, it would be wrong to see this as some profound class clash, as some no doubt fantasise that it is. Rather, the Gurkha campaign exposes the hollowing out of both big-C Conservatism and New Labour.

Source: http://spiked-online.com/newsite/article/6648#.W3nVm6vQDs0

 

«Σταυρός Παράδεισον ηνέωξαι»

Σε μια περίφημη ομιλία του ο Άγιος Ιωάννης ο Χρυσόστομος, που επιγράφεται «εις το, Πάτερ, ει δυνατόν εστί, παρελθέτω απ’εμού το ποτήριον τούτο…» και μας μεταφέρει στην αγωνία της Γεσθημανή και στους λόγους του Χριστού πριν από το Πάθος, βρίσκει την ευκαιρία να αναφερθεί στο Σταυρό του Χριστού

Τον ονομάζει «τείχος στερεό, όπλο ανίκητο, ασφάλεια των πλουσίων, ευπορία των φτωχών». Τον χαρακτηρίζει ως το όπλο εκείνο που εξαφανίζει τα πάθη και που βοηθά τον άνθρωπο στην απόκτηση της αρετής.

Και καταλήγει ο Άγιος Ιωάννης ο Χρυσόστομος: «Ο σταυρός άνοιξε τον παράδεισο, έβαλε μέσα τον ληστή, οδήγησε στη βασιλεία των ουρανών το ανθρώπινο γένος που επρόκειτο να καταστραφεί».

Πρώτον. Τι ήταν ο Σταυρός του Χριστού;

Πριν από 20 αιώνες, ο Σταυρός ήταν όργανο ατιμωτικής τιμωρίας και φρικτού θανάτου. Οι Ρωμαίοι κατεδίκαζαν με την ποινή της σταυρώσεως τούς πιο μεγάλους εγκληματίες.

Από τότε όμως που στο ξύλο αυτό άπλωσε τα χέρια του ο Μονογενής Υιός και Λόγος του Θεού, έγινε όργανο θυσίας, σωτηρίας, χαράς και αγιασμού.

«Γιατί ο Σταυρός διέλυσε την έχθρα του Θεού προς τους ανθρώπους, έφερε τη συμφιλίωση, έκαμε τη γη ουρανό, ανέμιξε τους ανθρώπους με τους αγγέλους, γκρέμισε την ακρόπολη του θανάτου, παρέλυσε τη δύναμη του διαβόλου, εξαφάνισε τη δύναμη της αμαρτίας, απάλλαξε τη γη από την πλάνη, ξανάφερε την αλήθεια, έδιωξε τους δαίμονες, γκρέμισε ναούς, ανέτρεψε βωμούς, φύτεψε την αρετή, θεμελίωσε τις Εκκλησίες».

Από τότε η Εκκλησία πορεύεται τη μαρτυρική της πορεία μέσα στο χρόνο με το Σταυρό του Χριστού, του θείου Ιδρυτού της. Μέσα στους αιώνες έχει διαρκώς προ οφθαλμών τον Σταυρό.

Είναι γι’ αυτήν πηγή δυνάμεως, αήττητο όπλο, τρόπαιο νίκης και θριάμβου. Σημαδεύει ευεργετικά όλες τις εκδηλώσεις της ζωής μας. Στις χειροτονίες των Κληρικών κυριαρχεί ο Σταυρός.

Στο Βάπτισμα, στο Μυστήριο του Γάμου και σε όλες τις θεοσύστατες τελετές και πάλι είναι ζωντανή η παρουσία του Σταυρού.

Φέρουμε τον Σταυρό στα στήθη μας, τοποθετείται στους τρούλους των Ναών, φανερώνει την ελπίδα της αναστάσεως στους τάφους των κεκοιμημένων αδελφών μας, απλώνεται μεταξύ ουρανού και γης και ενώνει τον άνθρωπο με τον Θεό.

Έτσι, ο Σταυρός κατά τον χρυσορρήμονα Ιωάννη, «συνέτριψε την αμαρτία, έγινε καθάρσιο της οικουμένης, έγινε αιτία συμφιλιώσεως και εξαλείψεως της πολυχρόνιας έχθρας, άνοιξε τις πύλες του ουρανού, έκανε τους εχθρούς φίλους, επανέφερε στον ουρανό, τοποθέτησε στα δεξιά του θρόνου του Θεού την ανθρώπινη φύση και μας πρόσφερε αμέτρητα άλλα πνευματικά αγαθά»5.

Αλλά και το τέλος του χρόνου, κατά τη Δευτέρα Παρουσία, πάλι ο Σταυρός θα το σημαδέψει, όπως το αδιάψευστο στόμα του Χριστού μας απεκάλυψε: «φανήσεται το σημείον του Υιού του ανθρώπου εν τω ουρανώ και τότε κόψονται πάσαι αι φυλαί της γης και όψονται τον υιόν του ανθρώπου ερχόμενον επί των νεφελών του ουρανού μετά δυνάμεως και δόξης πολλής».

Αυτό το σημείο του Υιού του Ανθρώπου δεν είναι τίποτα άλλο παρά ο Σταυρός του Χριστού, ο οποίος θα λάμπει περισσότερο από τις ηλιακές λαμπηδόνες και θα μας ειδοποιεί για τον ερχομό της Δευτέρας Παρουσίας.

Είναι αποκαλυπτικός στο σημείο αυτό και πάλι ο Ιερός Χρυσόστομος: «Είδες πόσο ανώτερο είναι το σημείο του σταυρού, πόση η λαμπρότητα και η λάμψη του; Ο ήλιος θα σκοτισθεί, η σελήνη δεν θα φανεί, τα άστρα θα πέσουν. Εκείνο μόνο φαίνεται, για να μάθεις ότι είναι πιο φωτεινό από τη σελήνη και πιο λαμπρό από τον ήλιο. Όπως δηλαδή όταν ένας βασιλιάς μπαίνει σε κάποια πόλη, οι στρατιώτες που προηγούνται σηκώνουν τα λάβαρα στους ώμους τους και προαναγγέλουν την είσοδο του βασιλιά, έτσι όταν ο Κύριος του σύμπαντος θα κατεβαίνει από τους ουρανούς, θα προηγούνται οι στρατιές των αγγέλων και των αρχαγγέλων κρατώντας το σύμβολο εκείνο και προαναγγέλοντας σε μας τη βασιλική είσοδό Του».

Δεύτερον. Τι είναι ο Σταυρός του Χριστού;

Είναι η έκφραση της άπειρης αγάπης του Χριστού προς το ανθρώπινο γένος. Μιας αγάπης με την οποία θέλησε ο Θεός να κάνει τον άνθρωπο κοινωνό της δικής Του μακαριότητος, ξεπερνώντας και σβήνοντας τα τραγικά αποτελέσματα της κακής χρήσεως του μεγάλου δώρου της ελευθερίας με το οποίο τον προίκισε.

Έτσι, συνδυάζει πάνσοφα τη θεία δικαιοσύνη και τη φιλανθρωπία. Γίνεται άνθρωπος ο ίδιος ο Θεός και σταυρώνεται «διά την ημετέραν σωτηρίαν», προκειμένου να σώσει τον άνθρωπο.

Γι’ αυτό ψάλλουμε στο περίφημο Δοξαστικό της Τρίτης Κυριακής των Νηστειών: «και τω καλάμω του Σταυρού βαφαίς ερυθραίς, τους σαυτού δακτύλους αιματώσας, ταις αφεσίμοις ημίν, βασιλικώς υπογράψαι φιλανθρωπευσάμενος».

Κι όπως οι βασιλείς υπέγραφαν την ελευθερία των υπηκόων τους με κόκκινο μελάνι, ο Χριστός διά του ιδίου αίματος και των ιδίων δακτύλων, υπογράφει τη δική μας ελευθερία από τα δεσμά του θανάτου και της αμαρτίας.

Έτσι το έργο της σωτηρίας του καθενός μας από τον Σωτήρα Χριστό είναι κίνηση, πρώτα προσλήψεως του κόσμου, και έπειτα λυτρώσεως και απελευθερώσεως.

Ο ίδιος ο Θεός παίρνει την αματία του κόσμου, την καρφώνει επάνω στο ξύλο του Σταυρού, την ενταφιάζει στον τάφο Του, γίνεται Αυτός κατάρα, κατά την έκφραση του Αποστόλου Παύλου9, πεθαίνει Αυτός για να ζήσουμε εμείς.

Σταυρώνεται για να απαλλαγεί ο κόσμος από το βάρος της αμαρτίας κι έτσι εμείς να ελευθερωθούμε από τα δεσμά της και να γίνουμες πολίτες της αιωνίου ζωής.

Γι’ αυτό πολύ σοφά ο ιερός Χρυσόστομος εγκωμιάζοντας τον Σταυρό του Χριστού θα τον χαρακτηρίσει ως «το θέλημα του Πατρός, δόξα του Υιού, αγαλλίαση του Πνεύματος, καύχημα του Παύλου».

Και θα συνεχίσει: «Γιατί λέγει (ο Παύλος), “είθε να μην καυχηθώ εγώ για τίποτε άλλο, παρά μόνο για τον σταυρό του Κυρίου μας Ιησού Χριστού”. Ο σταυρός είναι πιο φωτεινός από τον ήλιο, πιο λαμπρός από την ακτίνα… Ο σταυρός έσχισε το χειρόγραφό μας, έκαμε άχρηστο το δεσμωτήριο του θανάτου, ο σταυρός είναι η απόδειξη της αγάπης του Θεού. “Γιατί τόσο πολύ αγάπησε ο Θεός τον κόσμο, ώστε παρέδωσε τον Υιό του το μονογενή, για να μη χαθεί όποιος πιστεύει σ’ αυτόν”».

«Τω Σταυρώ», λοιπόν, «εαυτούς προσπλέξωμεν».

Να συνδέσουμε τον εαυτό μας με το Σταυρό.

Να τον φέρουμε επαξίως στους ώμους μας, ως γνήσιοι σταυροφόροι του Χριστού.

Να τον χρησιμοποιούμε με ευλάβεια στη ζωή μας.

Να καταφεύγουμε με εμπιστοσύνη στη δύναμη με την οποία τον όπλισε ο Δεσπότης Χριστός.

Να τον προσκυνούμε με ταπείνωση και με βαθιά πίστη, ώστε να μας οπλίζει με την ακατανίκητη δύναμή του.

Άλλωστε η ιστορία του γένους μας, της πολύπαθης πατρίδος μας καθώς και της ζωής μας, προσυπογράφει ότι ο Τίμιος Σταυρός γίνεται σκέπη κραταιά, αήττητο όπλο και στήριγμα των πιστών, αλλά και ασθενούντων ιατρός, και νεκρών η ανάσταση, καθώς ψάλλουν οι υμνογράφοι της Εκκλησίας μας.

Και, επειδή συγχρόνως είναι και θύρα του Παραδείσου, άρα προς αυτόν θα πρέπει να συγκλίνουν όλες οι ελπίδες μας και οι πόθοι της ψυχής μας.

Γιατί μόνο όσοι πιστεύουν στον Σταυρωθέντα Κύριο και ζουν σύμφωνα με το πολίτευμα του Σταυρού, θα έχουν βεβαία την ελπίδα της σωτηρίας, της αναστάσεως και της εισόδου στη Βασιλεία των Ουρανών.

Ας κρατήσουμε τον Σταυρό του Χριστού, όχι μόνο στο στήθος μας, ούτε απλά στα χέρια μας, αλλά πρωτίστως καί κυρίως στην καρδιά μας.

Ας γίνει και το δικό μας καύχημα, όπως ακριβώς ήταν καύχημα για τον φτερωτό Απόστολο των Εθνών Παύλο.

Έτσι θα μπορούμε κι εμείς μαζί με αυτόν να επαναλαμβάνουμε σε κάθε στιγμή της ζωής μας τους λόγους του: «Εμοί δε μη γένοιτο καυχάσθαι ει μη εν τω σταυρώ του Κυρίου ημών Ιησού Χριστού, δι΄ ου εμοί κόσμος εσταύρωται καγώ τω κόσμω».

«Ω σταυρέ, φως μου, λάμπε μοι παντί χρόνω,

πόρρω διώκων της ψυχής μου το σκότος».

 

1. Άγιος Ιωάννης Χρυσόστομος, Εις το Πάτερ ει δυνατόν εστί παρελθέτω απ’εμού το ποτήριον τούτο, ΕΠΕ 26,100

2. ο.π. ΕΠΕ 26,99

3. ο.π. ΕΠΕ 26,101

4. ο.π. ΕΠΕ 26,99

5. του ιδίου, Κατά Ιουδαίων, Λόγος Τρίτος, εις τους τα πρώτα πάσχα νηστεύοντας, ΕΠΕ 34,179

6. Μτθ. 24,30

7. Άγιος Ιωάννης Χρυσόστομος, Ομιλία Β’ εις τον σταυρόν, ΕΠΕ 36,59

8. Δοξαστικό Εσπερινού Κυριακής Σταυροπροσκυνήσεως

9. Γαλ. 3,13

10. Άγιος Ιωάννης Χρυσόστομος, Εις το Πάτερ ει δυνατόν εστί παρελθέτω απ’εμού το ποτήριον τούτο, ΕΠΕ 26,99

11. του ιδίου, Εις την Ύψωσιν του τιμίου Σταυρού, PG 59,682

12. Γαλ. 6,14

13. Άγιος Θεόδωρος Στουδίτης, Ίαμβοι εις διαφόρους υποθέσεις, PG 99,1796C

Πηγή: https://olympia.gr/2018/09/13/%CF%83%CF%84%CE%B1%CF%85%CF%81%CF%8C%CF%82-%CF%80%CE%B1%CF%81%CE%AC%CE%B4%CE%B5%CE%B9%CF%83%CE%BF%CE%BD-%CE%B7%CE%BD%CE%AD%CF%89%CE%BE%CE%B1%CE%B9/

 

 

Τελευταία Ενημέρωση στις Σάββατο, 15 Σεπτέμβριος 2018 04:16