Αγορά Πολιτών

Τρόπος Συμμετοχής

Χορηγίες

Πολίτες στην Αγορά

Έχουμε 1044 επισκέπτες συνδεδεμένους

Επικοινωνία

Γερμανία 004917667046073

The Absolute Evil

 

Gang-stalking Greeks

 

Byzantine Atrocities

 

European Dissidents ALARM

 

Human Rights' Court

 

The used up men

 

Dissidents - USG RICO crimes

 

Open Letter to Theresa May

 

Open Letter to António Guterres UN's SG

 

Triangulation - Zersetzen

 

Open Letter to Andrew Parker, MI5

  

Πράξεις ποταπές - Despicable choices

 

 

My father's death

 

Cavitation damage

 

Burglary and vandalism

 

Dry mini submarine

 

Message to Bundeswehr 2

 

Message to Bundeswehr 1

 

“Tough” guys and TOUGH guys

 

Μοναδική λύση, το Χόλιγουντ

 

Charlatans

 

Zeppelin: Beyond Gravity

 

Foreign intervention in Greece?

 

Η ανελεύθερη Ελλάδα

 

Η Ελλάδα καταγώγιο;

 

Αν.Επ. Π. Παυλόπουλο

  

Intangible prisons

 

Plausible deniability

 

Images of German w & s

 

Crimes against Humanity

 

"Chimera" - "Bellerophon"

 

pr. Donald Trump

 

  

Legal Notice 87

 

Βδέλλες, αποικιοκρατικές

 

Being a German

 

Legal Notice 84

 

Dirty colonial methods

 

Georgi Markov, BG - KGB

 

Samples of Barbarity

 

Ελλάδα - αποκόλληση

 

Έλληνες, στο έλεος...

 

Harvester's log 16/3/17

 

 

Legal Notice 66

 

Execrable

 

Legal Notice 62

 

  

My story

 

  

Aggression?

 

  

Η Εστία μου

 

  

Why so untidy?

 

  

Αποικιοκρατία

 

  

Εξόντωση Ελλήνων αντιφρονούντων;

 

  

Ζήτημα εμπιστοσύνης

 

  

Μεθοδικότητα

 

  

Ανοικτή Επιστολή πρέσβη ΗΠΑ

Αφορμή, U2RIT vs Ελλάδα;

Βιοηθική

A request to U2RIT

Colonial aggression - 2

Open Letter to UN S.G.

Open Letter to p.C. & p. O.

Δήλωση πρόθεσης επαναπατρισμού

 

Ο "εφιάλτης" της Νυρεμβέργης

Συλλογή Φωτογραφιών

Αίτημα προστασίας, προς Ιταλία

Chroma key, background removal

Science and Ethics

Να συμβάλει και η U2RIT

Θα ξαναφτιάξουν πολλές φορές Άουσβιτς και Zyclon B

 

Split-Screen effect

Η Ζωή είναι Ωραία.

Βόρεια Κορέα

Λευτεριά στους Έλληνες, εξανα- γκαστικά "Εξαφανισμένους"

 

Μυστικές δίκες;

Trustworthiness

Πολιτισμό, ή, απληστία;

Ακραία Στυγνότητα

Η Τέχνη της Επιβίωσης

Political Asylum 3

Επιστροφή στις ρίζες

The Human Cost of Torture

An urgent appeal for solidarity

More obvious than the Sun

Western "culture"

Political Asylum

Έννομη Προστασία

Μια μήνυση που εγείρει ερωτηματικά

 

 

 

Honor your father...

Noise

Creative Greeks

A pair of Dictatorships

Drugged and maddened by opiates beforehand PDF Εκτύπωση E-mail
Αξιολόγηση Χρήστη: / 0
ΧείριστοΆριστο 
Συνεννόηση για Δράση - Απόψεις
Συντάχθηκε απο τον/την Χρήστος Μπούμπουλης (Christos Boumpoulis)   
Δευτέρα, 20 Αύγουστος 2018 00:29

Drugged and maddened by opiates beforehand

Introduction

The Gurkhas have long been an institutional expression of inequality: they were made and sustained, not by British decency, but by British racism.
The Gurkhas are a creation of Britain's old colonial policy of 'divide and rule'.
When British forces defeated Gurkha forces yet were impressed by their courage and tenacity. The Gurkhas were named a 'Martial Race' – that is, a race of people who were naturally brave, loyal and bloodthirsty. In the subcontinent under British rule from the early 1800s to the mid-twentieth century, the British tended to divide local peoples into two camps: 'Martial Races', those considered well-built for fighting, and 'Non-
Martial Races', those judged to have 'sedentary lifestyles' and thus to be unsuited to serving in colonial armies: too slothful, inactive, uncreative, lazy.
This discovery of 'Martial Races' occurred across the British Empire. Sikhs in India were also judged to be a 'Warrior Race' who could be trusted to join colonial armies in order to crush uprisings amongst the 'unruly' sections of Indian society; the Masai in Kenya were also judged a 'Warrior Race' when they were considered useful for shoring up British rule in Kenya. Not surprisingly, the distinction between Martial Races and Non-Martial Races corresponded neatly with those who generally supported British colonialism, or who benefited from it, and those who did not: in other words, behind the separation of Third World peoples into 'brave' camps and 'sedentary' camps, there lurked the low politics of divide and rule. The Gurkhas became more institutionalised into the British military than any other 'Martial Race', forming their own brigade and fighting in the First World War, the Second World War, the colonial wars, the Falklands, Kosovo and Iraq. They became the colonial people employed to put down other colonial peoples.
The Gurkhas were discussed in explicitly racial terms. For nineteenth-century British colonialists, the inhabitants of south Asia were, for the most part, a disgusting and unthinking mass, lacking the intelligence or humanitarian instincts of the white race. In the 1860s, one British officer said 'Asiatic soldiers' do not have 'the same pluck or moral courage as the European... unless drugged and maddened by opiates beforehand'. One British observer said Indians and other south Asians 'live in a different stage of civilisation and intellectual development... their only courage is apathy and their valour consists in animal ferocity. A native soldier, of whatever rank, has no heroism, and he is ignorant of honour in every acceptation of the word.' Gurkhas, by contrast, were considered not to be 'fully Asiatic', since they were brave and more loyal than other, non-heroic, dishonourable Asiatic peoples.
However, even when the Gurkhas were championed, it tended to be on the basis that their non-European racial features – their status as a Martial Race – made them perfect fighting machines. In the Victorian era, one writer said the great thing about the Gurkhas is that they do not have 'a very high estimate of the value of life'; they are 'less encumbered by the mental doubts or humanitarian sentiment [of Europeans], and thus not so moved by slaughter and mutilation'. This image of Gurkhas as peculiarly fearless and emotionless has been exploited by the British military and military historians right up to the modern period – and it has, as one critical author said in 1990, tended to 'deny the humanity of these soldiers'.
It is not merely New Labour thoughtlessness that has made these men second-class soldiers, but rather the long history of their cultivation as 'good wogs' whose lack of humanitarianism could be harnessed for British imperialist ends.

 

Main Subject

 

Every year I loose, on average, one million people, which I consider as being my own people and which die from supposed illnesses.
In my first country, namely Greece, there is no freedom of speech as, according to the prominent Greek, constitutional law, professor George Kasimatis, a mere dictatorship is ruling Greece.
The most part of Greece's natural leadership's members have, somehow, died.
Greece, one of the most wealthy, due to hers enormously valuable mineral and energy reserves, European State has fallen to an extreme economic crisis and many hundreds thousands of Greek scientists and specialized workers have fled from Greece.
Greece's National Sovereignty has been compromised and a large part of its territory is threatened to become annexed by foreign counties.
During my elementary school years certain people belonging to Greece's organized crime committed against me multiple crimes.
According to the "Percentages Agreement" between Winston Churchill and Joseph
Stalin, Greece remains 90% at U.K.'s sphere of influence and 10% at Russia's sphere of influence.
For the above reasons, I believe that, I am entitled to ask the followings:

Is there any "Gurkhas" grade, consisted by any single "Martial Race", colonial, non uniformed, army operating upon Greek soil in order to "divide and rule" Greece, on behalf of the contemporary, colonizing Nations, United Kingdom, United States of America, Russia, Israel and Turkey and to put down the Greek colonial peoples?
Is there any proxy army that has intruded into Greece, consisted by drugged and maddened by opiates beforehand, non uniformed, soldiers, which are brave and more loyal, to the colonizers which, their status as a Martial Race – made them perfect fighting machines? By soldiers which, they do not have 'a very high estimate of the value of life'; which they are 'less encumbered by the mental doubts or humanitarian sentiment [of Europeans], and thus not so moved by slaughter and mutilation'; which are fearless and emotionless and for this reason prone to become, justly, denied their humanity?

 

Christos Boumpoulis
economist

 

Appendix

 

Turning Gurkhas into a new 'Victim Race'
The bizarre Battle of the Excluded Gurkha, led by Joanna Lumley, sheds light on the crisis of meaning in today's Tory and Labour parties.
First things first: all Gurkhas and their families should be free to settle in Britain. They should benefit fully from Britain's social services, healthcare and education system. All discrepancies in pay and pensions between British-born soldiers and foreign-born Gurkhas should be ironed out (1). If Britain is going to employ non-British citizens in its military forces, then it must guarantee them equal treatment and pay, instead of keeping the Gurkhas as a pet caste of money-saving, second-class military men.
However, the current Battle of the Excluded Gurkha, the campaign led by the clipped-toned actress Joanna Lumley to secure right of residence in the UK for retired Gurkhas, has become about something more than equal treatment. It has become bound up with contemporary politics – in particular with the development of a shallow brand of 'New Conservatism' and with the utter collapse of the New Labour government's moral and popular authority.
The Gurkha campaign shows the extent to which the traditional wing of the elite – the Telegraph-reading, Tory-supporting officer classes, for whom the Gurkhas have always been 'loyal friends' – has embraced the politics of victimology over old-fashioned ideals of militarism and superiority. And it shows the extent to which the current ruling section of the elite – the non-officer-classes of New Labour – is now so bereft of purpose and direction that it can be rattled by the so-called 'forces of conservatism' it claimed to have defeated in the late 1990s.
Not for the first time, the Gurkhas are being used as a proxy army – only this time not to defend the interests of British imperialism, but rather to try to uncover some idea of 'British values' here at home, and to shift the pieces on the depressing chessboard that is contemporary British politics.
Reading about the current pro-Gurkha campaign – led by Lumley, daughter of Major James Rutherford Lumley, who served with the 6th Gurkha Rifles in the British Indian Army, and backed by virtually the entire media – you could be forgiven for thinking that the Gurkhas have only recently been treated badly. That in Major Lumley's days in India, or 'Inja', they had a lovely life and it is only under the tyranny of uncaring, bureaucratic New Labourites that they have been turned into second-class soldiers.
Not so. The Gurkhas have always been treated as second class, as loyal but peculiar, as a race apart, as less intelligent than the white leaders of the British Army but a bit more trustworthy than the everyday wogs of Nepal, Burma and India. Indeed, the Gurkhas have long been an institutional expression of inequality: they were made and sustained, not by British decency, but by British racism.
The Gurkhas are a creation of Britain's old colonial policy of 'divide and rule'. Hailing from Nepal, and named after the eighth-century Hindu warrior saint Guru Gorakhnath, they were first recruited into the British Army following the Anglo-Nepalese war of 1814 to 1816, when British forces defeated Gurkha forces yet were impressed by their courage and tenacity. The Gurkhas were named a 'Martial Race' – that is, a race of people who were naturally brave, loyal and bloodthirsty. In the subcontinent under British rule from the early 1800s to the mid-twentieth century, the British tended to divide local peoples into two camps: 'Martial Races', those considered well-built for fighting, and 'Non-Martial Races', those judged to have 'sedentary lifestyles' and thus to be unsuited to serving in colonial armies: too slothful, inactive, uncreative, lazy (2).
This discovery of 'Martial Races' occurred across the British Empire. Sikhs in India were also judged to be a 'Warrior Race' who could be trusted to join colonial armies in order to crush uprisings amongst the 'unruly' sections of Indian society; the Masai in Kenya were also judged a 'Warrior Race' when they were considered useful for shoring up British rule in Kenya (3). Not surprisingly, the distinction between Martial Races and Non-Martial Races corresponded neatly with those who generally supported British colonialism, or who benefited from it, and those who did not: in other words, behind the separation of Third World peoples into 'brave' camps and 'sedentary' camps, there lurked the low politics of divide and rule. The Gurkhas became more institutionalised into the British military than any other 'Martial Race', forming their own brigade and fighting in the First World War, the Second World War, the colonial wars, the Falklands, Kosovo and Iraq. They became the colonial people employed to put down other colonial peoples.
The Gurkhas were discussed in explicitly racial terms. For nineteenth-century British colonialists, the inhabitants of south Asia were, for the most part, a disgusting and unthinking mass, lacking the intelligence or humanitarian instincts of the white race. In the 1860s, one British officer said 'Asiatic soldiers' do not have 'the same pluck or moral courage as the European... unless drugged and maddened by opiates beforehand' (4). One British observer said Indians and other south Asians 'live in a different stage of civilisation and intellectual development... their only courage is apathy and their valour consists in animal ferocity. A native soldier, of whatever rank, has no heroism, and he is ignorant of honour in every acceptation of the word.' (5) Gurkhas, by contrast, were considered not to be 'fully Asiatic', since they were brave and more loyal than other, non-heroic, dishonourable Asiatic peoples (6).
However, even when the Gurkhas were championed, it tended to be on the basis that their non-European racial features – their status as a Martial Race – made them perfect fighting machines. In the Victorian era, one writer said the great thing about the Gurkhas is that they do not have 'a very high estimate of the value of life'; they are 'less encumbered by the mental doubts or humanitarian sentiment [of Europeans], and thus not so moved by slaughter and mutilation' (7). This image of Gurkhas as peculiarly fearless and emotionless has been exploited by the British military and military historians right up to the modern period – and it has, as one critical author said in 1990, tended to 'deny the humanity of these soldiers' (8).
That Gurkhas are now being treated as second-class citizens, different even from those non-British, Commonwealth members of the military who are granted full residential rights in the UK, is not all that surprising: their origin is as a band of fighters more trustworthy than your average Asian but 'less equal' than your average Westerner. It is not merely New Labour thoughtlessness that has made these men second-class soldiers, but rather the long history of their cultivation as 'good wogs' whose lack of humanitarianism could be harnessed for British imperialist ends. As late as last year, three Gurkhas lost a High Court case in which they sought to challenge their payment of pensions that were around '24 per cent to 36 per cent' of normal military pensions (9). Such treatment is an ugly historical hangover from the fact that the Gurkhas have long been seen, effectively, as 24 to 36 per cent human.
The history of the Gurkhas explains the curious divide over their predicament today. The conservative wing of British society, those descended from the officer classes who look upon Gurkhas as their honourable servants, have enthusiastically embraced the new Gurkha cause. New Labour, meanwhile, which may be as militaristic as ever, but which lacks any institutional link to the old colonial practices of the past, seems completely desensitised to the 'Gurkha issue'. Now a middle-class party that draws its MPs from think-tanks rather than from actual tanks, it seems blasé about the Gurkhas. The televised stand-off between Joanna Lumley, that well-spoken daughter of colonialism, and Phil Woolas, the bumbling, bureaucratic, northern-voiced minister for immigration, captured well the divide on the Gurkha issue.
However, it would be wrong to see this as some profound class clash, as some no doubt fantasise that it is. Rather, the Gurkha campaign exposes the hollowing out of both big-C Conservatism and New Labour.

Source: http://spiked-online.com/newsite/article/6648#.W3nVm6vQDs0

Τελευταία Ενημέρωση στις Δευτέρα, 20 Αύγουστος 2018 00:39