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Psikhushkas and Colonialism PDF Εκτύπωση E-mail
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Συντάχθηκε απο τον/την Χρήστος Μπούμπουλης (Christos Boumpoulis)   
Τρίτη, 21 Νοέμβριος 2017 00:39


Psikhushkas and Colonialism
Psikhushka (Russian: психу́шка; [pʲsʲɪˈxuʂkə]) is a Russianironic diminutive for psychiatric hospital.[1] In Russia, the word entered everyday vocabulary.[2] This word has been occasionally used in English, since the Soviet dissidentmovement and diaspora community the West used the term. In the Soviet Union, psychiatric hospitals were often used by the authorities as prisons, in order to isolate political prisoners from the rest of society, discredit their ideas, and break them physically and mentally. As such, psikhushkas were considered a form of torture.[3] The official explanation was that no sane person would be against socialism.[4]
Psikhushkas were already in use by the end of the 1940s (see Alexander Esenin-Volpin), continuing into theKhrushchev Thaw period of the 1960s. On April 29, 1969, the head of the KGB, Yuri Andropov submitted to the Central Committee of CPSU a plan for the creation of a network of psikhushkas.[5]
The official Soviet psychiatric science came up with the definition of sluggish schizophrenia, a special form of the illness that supposedly affects only the person's social behavior, with no trace on other traits: "most frequently, ideas about a struggle for truth and justice are formed by personalities with aparanoid structure," according to the Moscow Serbsky Institute professors (a quote [6] from Vladimir Bukovsky's archives). Some of them had high rank in the MVD, such as the infamous Daniil Luntz, who was characterized by Viktor Nekipelov as "no better than the criminal doctors who performed inhuman experiments on the prisoners in Nazi concentration camps".[6]
The sane individuals who were diagnosed as mentally ill were sent either to a regular psychiatric hospitals or, those deemed particularly dangerous, to special ones, run directly by the MVD. The treatment included various forms of restraint, electric shocks, a range of drugs (such as narcotics,tranquilizers, and insulin) that cause long lasting side effects, and sometimes involved beatings. Nekipelov describes inhumane uses of medical procedures such as lumbar punctures.
Notable political prisoners of psikhushkas include poet Joseph Brodsky, dissidents Leonid Plyushch,Vladimir Bukovsky, Natalya Gorbanevskaya, Alexander Esenin-Volpin, Pyotr Grigorenko, Zhores Medvedev, Viktor Nekipelov, Valeriya Novodvorskaya, Natan Sharansky, Andrei Sinyavsky, and Anatoly Koryagin, politician Konstantin Päts, and whistle blower Larisa Arap.
Political abuse of psychiatry in the Soviet Union
There was systematic political abuse of psychiatry in theSoviet Union,[1] based on the interpretation of political opposition or dissent as a psychiatric problem.[2] It was called "psychopathological mechanisms" of dissent.[3]
During the leadership of General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev, psychiatry was used to disable and remove from society political opponents ("dissidents") who openly expressed beliefs that contradicted the official dogma.[4][5]The term "philosophical intoxication", for instance, was widely applied to the mental disorders diagnosed when people disagreed with the country's Communist leaders and, by referring to the writings of the Founding Fathers of Marxism–Leninism—Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, andVladimir Lenin—made them the target of criticism.[6]
Article 58-10 of the Stalin-era Criminal Code, "Anti-Soviet agitation", was to a considerable degree preserved in the new 1958 RSFSR Criminal Code as Article 70 "Anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda". In 1967 a weaker law, Article 190-1 "Dissemination of fabrications known to be false, which defame the Soviet political and social system", was added to the RSFSR Criminal Code. These laws were frequently applied in conjunction with the system of diagnosis for mental illness, developed by Academician Andrei Snezhnevsky. Together they established a framework within which non-standard beliefs could easily be defined as a criminal offence and the basis, subsequently, for a psychiatric diagnosis.[7]
By Walter Reich
Published: January 30, 1983
The meeting had been arranged for their sake as well as for mine. The charge of psychiatric abuse was a longstanding one. For years, Soviet psychiatrists had been accused in the West of diagnosing as mentally ill political dissidents they knew to be mentally well. According to both Western critics and Soviet dissidents, the K.G.B. - especially after it was taken over in 1967 by Yuri V. Andropov, now the top Soviet leader - had regularly referred dissidents to psychiatrists for such diagnoses in order to avoid embarrassing public trials and to discredit dissent as the product of sick minds. Once in psychiatric hospitals, usually special institutions for the criminally insane, the dissidents were said to be treated with particular cruelty -for example, given injections that caused abscesses, convul- sions and torpor, or wrapped in wet canvas that shrank tightly upon drying.
In 1971, at the World Psychiatric Association's fifth congress in Mexico City, Western psychiatrists made their first attempt to censure their Soviet colleagues. But the accusations of psychiatric abuse were new, the campaign was unorganized, and Snezhnevsky, who led the Soviet delegation, was unscathed. The charges, he said in rebuttal, were a ''cold-war maneuver carried out at the hands of experts.''
At the 1977 world congress in Honolulu, Snezhnevsky again defended his country's psychiatric practices; but by then the accusations were familiar and the sentiments they aroused were strong, and the censure motion passed by a narrow majority. Snezhnevsky returned home wounded, with members of his delegation blaming their defeat on the ''Zionists.''
An even greater setback may await the Russians at the association's seventh congress in Vienna in July. There are, at this writing, two resolutions before the World Psychiatric Association. One, put forward by the national psychiatric association of the United States, proposes that the Soviet association, the All-Union Society of Psychiatrists and Neuropathologists, be suspended. The second, offered by the psychiatric association of Britain, proposes that the Soviet association be expelled.
It was, I think, primarily because of the Soviet authorities' desire to avert such action that Snezhnevsky and Vartanyan agreed to meet with me last spring. They knew, to be sure, that I had written critically of Soviet psychiatry. Nevertheless, with official scientific exchanges between the United States and the Soviet Union all but severed in the wake of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, any contact with an American psychiatrist -even one who had come to Moscow, as I had, on a private visit - would serve to demonstrate that Soviet psychiatrists were reasonable professionals willing to discuss differences and explain their views.
In addition, Snezhnevsky had, I am sure, his own reasons for wanting to see me. He had long been under attack in the West as an exemplar of psychiatric abuse in the Soviet Union. He had himself diagnosed or been involved in a number of famous dissident cases, including those of the mathematician Leonid Plyushch and the biologist Zhores Medvedev, and he had been accused of cynically devising a system of diagnosis that could be bent for political purposes. Seeing himself as a great clinician and theoretician, heir and contributor to a psychiatric tradition stretching back to 19thcentury German medicine, Snezhnevsky had often complained bitterly about these accusations, which tarnished his prestige abroad and even among some of his Soviet colleagues. Moreover, he was facing the possibility of being stripped of his honorary fellowship in the American Psychiatric Association, conferred on him 12 years before, in better times.
But if the meeting was an opportunity for Soviet psychiatry and for Snezhnevsky, it was also one for me. I had been following reports of Soviet psychiatric abuse since the early 1970's, soon after they first reached the West. Disturbed by the news that fellow professionals were distorting their knowledge and their trust, and wanting to understand what had happened and why, I interviewed many of the dissidents who were then beginning to emigrate from the Soviet Union, including dissidents who had been diagnosed and hospitalized as mentally ill. In time, I met Soviet emigres who were psychiatrists themselves - some of them dissidents escaping political trouble but most of them people who had simply wanted to leave. Among the latter, several had worked as scientists and clinicians at the heart of Soviet psychiatry, either in Snezhnevsky's institute or in other important research centers.
Soon enough, it became apparent that the experience of Soviet psychiatry had a lot to teach - not only about Soviet political repression but about the ways in which people who have spent their lives in the Soviet environment think, talk and perceive each other. And, too, it had a lot to teach about the vulnerabilities of psychiatry to misuse wherever it is practiced. Some of the characteristics of Soviet psychiatry that had resulted in the misdiagnoses of dissidents were distortions of standard psychiatric logic, theory and practice. In short, the story of Soviet psychiatry was a case study in what could go wrong in a profession and in a society.
What emerged most forcefully from my interviews and research was that one factor - Snezhnevsky's theory of schizophrenia - accounted more than any other for the diagnoses and hospitalizations of Soviet political dissidents. It was that theory that I wanted to discuss with its author. In going to Moscow, my goal was to raise the questions about his approach that had troubled me ever since I began to study it, and to see what he had to say in response.
I called Vartanyan from my room at the Intourist Hotel the morning after my arrival in Moscow. ''Yes, Dr. Reich,'' Vartanyan responded eagerly, in his fluent English. ''Of course we should meet. I'll arrange it right away.'' He said he had just returned from a trip, and only that morning had come across a month-old letter from a mutual acquaintance, an American, informing him that I would be arriving in Moscow and calling him.
The black Volga sedan he sent for me the following week waited outside my hotel. The chauffeur drove wordlessly, crossing the Moscow River into the old Zamoskvorechiye section of Moscow. Turning at a guardhouse, we passed through a gate and entered the precincts of the Kashchenko Psychiatric Hospital, on whose wooded grounds the Institute of Psychiatry of the Soviet Academy of Medical Sciences is situated. The driver stopped, and I found myself in front of the institute's main building, a building whose inhabitants I had been studying from afar for so many years. had not brought a tape recorder to the meeting, and none, so far as I could see, was used. The following account is based primarily on a summary that I set to paper immediately upon returning to my hotel. The quotations and paraphrased exchanges are as faithful to what was said as I could make them. Besides Snezhnevsky and Vartanyan, the meeting was attended by Dr. Ruben Nadzharov, Snezhnevsky's clinical deputy, and Dr. Andrei Pyatnitsky, who was in charge of the institute's international activities. In the main, I spoke in English, with Vartanyan translating. The first question I asked Snezhnevsky and Vartanyan had to do with an article that had appeared in Pravda a week before I left for the Soviet Union. The article reported that Snezhnevsky's institute was to be transformed into a much larger Center for Health and Psychiatry, which would contain three institutes, one of them devoted to the problem of preventive psychiatry.
I asked my Soviet hosts which psychiatric illnesses they thought could be prevented. One set of preventable illnesses, they answered, is made up of ''borderline'' cases - persons whose illnesses were relatively mild and without the symptoms of a psychotic break with reality, such as hallucinations or delusions, that are typical of what has been known for seven decades as schizophrenia. This gave me an opportunity to challenge Snezhnevsky's concept of that illness - or set of illnesses, since there may be several schizophrenic conditions that display similar symptoms but have separate (and, in large measure, unknown) causes, probably both biological and environmental.
Snezhnevsky has argued that there are three main forms of schizophrenia. In the ''continuous'' form, he has said, the illness grows progressively worse. In the ''recurrent'' or ''periodic'' form, there are acute episodes of illness but, after each episode, the patient returns to health. And in the ''shiftlike'' form, there are also acute episodes, but the patient usually emerges from each episode more damaged than before, and his condition progressively worsens. Each of these states of illness, according to Snezhnevsky, has a broad range of severity. Thus, a person could suffer from a ''malignant'' type of continuous schizophrenia, in which there is very rapid mental deterioration, or, at the opposite end of the clinical spectrum, from a very mild type, which Snezhnevsky has called ''sluggish.''
It is this category of ''sluggish schizophrenia'' that has been most prominently used in dissident cases. But it has been commonly employed in everyday Soviet psychiatric practice as well. What is most troubling about it is that, by Snezhnevsky's criteria, ''sluggish schizophrenia'' may be diagnosed as such on the basis of very mild, nonpsychotic characteristics of behavior - characteristics that would not fit into the West's definition of ''psychotic'' and could even be considered normal.
Also disquieting is the quality of the research that was carried out by the institute's staff after Snezhnevsky became its director in 1962, research designed to prove his theories valid. The researchers' strategy was to examine the relatives of schizophrenic patients to see if they, too, displayed any psychiatric abnormalities, particularly schizophrenic ones. If the researchers did find such abnormalities, they almost always concluded that the relatives either had the same Snezhnevskyan form of schizophrenia as the original patient or some milder version of it. In other words, if the original patient had been found to suffer from ''shiftlike'' schizophrenia, then, if he had schizophrenic relatives, those relatives would almost invariably be found to have the same shiftlike form of the illness. And if he had relatives who, though not schizophrenic, displayed certain psychopathological traits, those traits were found to be similar, in some sense, to the symptoms and other characteristics that, Snezhnevsky had taught, were typically displayed by shiftlike schizophrenics.
Hundreds of patients and thousands of relatives, including children of schizophrenic parents, were examined in these studies. Theoretically, the studies provided remarkable validation of Snezhnevsky's concepts, since they seemed to demonstrate to a very significant extent that the forms of schizophrenia he had described ''bred true'' - that is, were hereditarily (which is to say genetically, and therefore biologically) distinct.
If this were correct, it would represent a revolution in psychiatry. Many psychiatric theoreticians, particularly in Europe, have sought to classify different forms of schizophrenia on the basis of the patients' clinical characteristics - that is, on the basis of the way they talk and behave. Thus, in the most widely used classification scheme, paranoid schizophrenics are distinguished from, say, catatonic schizophrenics on the grounds that, while the two forms of the illness share certain characteristics, the first is characterized especially by one set of symptoms, such as hallucinations, extreme suspiciousness and grandiosity, while the second is more clasically characterized by pronounced stupor or excitement.
But it has never been possible to prove that those two forms of illness breed true. It has not been found that if, for instance, a paranoid schizophrenic has a schizophrenic cousin, that cousin will invariably be afflicted with the paranoid variety of the illness. Snezhnevsky's researchers, however, left the clear impression that their chief had discovered clinical principles in accordance with which any schizophrenic can be assigned to one of three categories of schizophrenia, each having a distinct genetic basis. hen my hosts began to describe the work on ''borderline'' conditions being planned for the new center - conditions that seemed to me to be indistinguishable from some of the mild types of schizophrenia in Snezhnevsky's classification scheme, particularly the ''sluggish'' - I saw the opportunity to challenge them about Snezhnevsky's theories and about the research that had been designed to prove those theories true.
Project MKUltra
One 1955 MKUltra document gives an indication of the size and range of the effort; this document refers to the study of an assortment of mind-altering substances described as follows:[33]
1.Substances which will promote illogical thinking and impulsiveness to the point where the recipient would be discredited in public.
2.Substances which increase the efficiency of mentation and perception.
3.Materials which will cause the victim to age faster/slower in maturity.
4.Materials which will promote the intoxicating effect of alcohol.
5.Materials which will produce the signs and symptoms of recognized diseases in a reversible way so that they may be used for malingering, etc.
6.Materials which will cause temporary/permanent brain damage and loss of memory.
7.Substances which will enhance the ability of individuals to withstand privation, torture and coercion during interrogation and so-called "brain-washing".
8.Materials and physical methods which will produce amnesia for events preceding and during their use.
9.Physical methods of producing shock and confusion over extended periods of time and capable of surreptitious use.
10.Substances which produce physical disablement such as paralysis of the legs, acute anemia, etc.
11.Substances which will produce a chemical that can cause blisters.
12.Substances which alter personality structure in such a way that the tendency of the recipient to become dependent upon another person is enhanced.
13.A material which will cause mental confusion of such a type that the individual under its influence will find it difficult to maintain a fabrication under questioning.
14.Substances which will lower the ambition and general working efficiency of men when administered in undetectable amounts.
15.Substances which promote weakness or distortion of the eyesight or hearing faculties, preferably without permanent effects.
16.A knockout pill which can surreptitiously be administered in drinks, food, cigarettes, as an aerosol, etc., which will be safe to use, provide a maximum of amnesia, and be suitable for use by agent types on an ad hoc basis.
17.A material which can be surreptitiously administered by the above routes and which in very small amounts will make it impossible for a person to perform physical activity.
Basic Protocol
There is a basic protocol that they begin with which is consistent in all NATO nations.
It begins with the surveillance of targets, monitoring of their private lives, and entry into their homes (break-ins). This is done so their personality traits can be cataloged.
"There is a basic protocol that the perpetrators begin with," states McKinney, "but the TI [Targeted Individual] contributes to the modification."
After they are singled out for preliminary stages of harassment, Gang Stalking ensues, which McKinney describes as part of a "softening-up process."
After a period of overt surveillance (Gang Stalking), NLW are introduced. The NLW harassment gradually increases to extreme conditions. This pattern has unfolded consistently in all NATO countries.
Dr. Munzert speaks of basically the same pattern, which he describes as a "double-folded strategy."
"It is usually the same procedure," he announced, "but with individual variations."
One part includes the victims being "attacked with microwave weapons," and "the other part of the strategy" he says, is to portray the targeted people as "mad [insane]."
He explained the effectiveness of this approach as "unbeatable," and reveals that this is essentially what the Stasi did to their targets. Part of this protocol appears to include elements of Neuro-linguistic Programming (NLP), which is a type of mind-control used by behaviorists to affect change. NLP will be covered in more detail shortly.
Some of the tactics below have been called Street Theatre, Harassment Skits, or Staged Events. They are planned harassment skits, such as blocking, or swarming. They also include informants who surround targets and have conversations intended to be overheard, which contain information about the target's personal life.
Presumably, citizen informants are told that this is necessary to let targeted people know they're being watched. This may happen in any public place. This is not a complete list of tactics but it includes some of the more common ones reported.
Some of these tactics will sound insane because they're deliberately designed to make someone appear as though they're suffering from a mental disorder. They were definitely created by experts in the behavioral sciences. In addition, people may be emotionally drained, and unable to properly identify or explain what's happening to them.
According to the DOJ, mental tactics designed to cause psychological harm must last for months or years before they constitute torture. The Hidden Evil fits this description.
So keep in mind, these are Psychological Warfare tactics which are intended to drive people crazy.
[Source: www.bibliotecapleyades.net/sociopolitica/hiddenevil/hiddenevil17.htm]
Tommy was placed on a wing with many Muslim inmates and a contract was put out (and taken up by a Somali born murderer) to throw boiling water (laced with sugar to make it stick better) into his face.
Tommy asked the prison governor to move him to a safe part of the prison. The governor refused. A prison warder threw Tommy into a cell containing several Muslims and locked the door in order to ensure Tommy took a serious beating, which he duly did. A rather more humane warder warned Tommy about the “boiling water in the face contract” so when he found himself alone with four Muslims, one of whom was the aforementioned Somali murderer holding a jug of boiling water, Tommy defended himself before the water could be thrown.
The prison governor took no further action, but the Somali murderer contacted the police, who were keen to prosecute Tommy for racially aggravated assault… although the charge was subsequently dropped, presumably owing to the sheer embarrassment of initiating it in the first place.
Traditionally, the colonialists manage, one way or another, to exterminate the members of the natural leaderships of their colonies.
One of those ways is, to portrait those members as mad.
According to my knowledge, during our era, this is how this extermination is being conducted.
The perpetrators are, the members of the security and judicial authorities, the members of the psychiatric establishment and the members of the local violent non government actors (VNGA, namely, the non-uniformed, colonial mercenary armies).
The first method exploits instrumental, information asymmetries as in the case of Tommy Robinson: The “good cop” terrorized Tommy about the false “contract to throw boiling water to his face”, which was a lie, in order to provoke a spontaneous negative reaction when the fake “Somali born murderer” appeared holding the boiling water, so that, other “bad cops” to exploit that “enforced” negative reaction coupled by the public opinion's ignorance about the “good cop's” framing, and unjustly, portray Tommy as “mad”.
Also, for another example, the colonialists could fabricate minor crash damages to the parked, private car of a fearful political dissident in order, to exploit his effort to remain legally covered, against any potential fabrication of false incriminating evidence, made by the colonialists against himself, by portraying him as “mad”.
Another way has to do with the abuse of the, by definition, unscientific, inhumane and false, “diagnostic” protocols of the pseudo-”science” of “psychiatry.
For example, by the illegitimate usage of MKULTRA neurotoxic chemicals, the behavior of both, the “targeted” political dissident, as well as, some of his close relatives (in order to fabricate a the false “evidence” of an inherited mental “disease”), are becoming manipulated in order to fabricate a matching with one, or more, of the false “psychiatric” “diagnosis”. And then, the “security” “authorities” act according to the fabricated “psychiatric” “labels” attached to the “targeted” political dissident.
Currently, the European Union member States' leaders remain reluctant to even pronounce the words, “zersetzen torture”, “electronic brain implants”, “colonialism”, “human rights”, “Psikhushkas”, “gang stalking”, “CIA psychiatrists”, etc. Therefore, who is going to protect us, the legitimate, ordinary citizens and members of the natural leaderships, from the monstrous part, of the “psychiatric” establishment, of the “security and judicial authorities”, and from the non-uniformed, colonial mercenaries?
Christos Boumpoulis


P.S.: 93 million innocent civilians need, and deserve, more than mere words about security; they need effective protection from the colonial monstrosity. Who is going to provide this legitimate protection?


Τελευταία Ενημέρωση στις Κυριακή, 17 Δεκέμβριος 2017 01:55