Αγορά Πολιτών

Τρόπος Συμμετοχής

Χορηγίες

Πολίτες στην Αγορά

Έχουμε 558 επισκέπτες συνδεδεμένους

Επικοινωνία

Γερμανία 004917667046073 (SMS)

7/3/2017, 20:00

European Dissidents ALARM

 

Zeppelin: Beyond Gravity

 

Foreign intervention in Greece?

 

Η ανελεύθερη Ελλάδα

 

Η Ελλάδα καταγώγιο;

 

Αν.Επ. Π. Παυλόπουλο

  

Intangible prisons

 

Plausible deniability

 

Images of German w & s

 

Crimes against Humanity

 

"Chimera" - "Bellerophon"

 

pr. Donald Trump

 

  

Legal Notice 87

 

Βδέλλες, αποικιοκρατικές

 

Being a German

 

Legal Notice 84

 

Dirty colonial methods

 

Georgi Markov, BG - KGB

 

Samples of Barbarity

 

Ελλάδα - αποκόλληση

 

Έλληνες, στο έλεος...

 

Harvester's log 16/3/17

 

 

Legal Notice 66

 

Execrable

 

Legal Notice 62

 

  

My story

 

  

Aggression?

 

  

Η Εστία μου

 

  

Why so untidy?

 

  

Αποικιοκρατία

 

  

Εξόντωση Ελλήνων αντιφρονούντων;

 

  

Ζήτημα εμπιστοσύνης

 

  

Μεθοδικότητα

 

  

Ανοικτή Επιστολή πρέσβη ΗΠΑ

Αφορμή, U2RIT vs Ελλάδα;

Βιοηθική

A request to U2RIT

Colonial aggression - 2

Open Letter to UN S.G.

Open Letter to p.C. & p. O.

Δήλωση πρόθεσης επαναπατρισμού

 

Ο "εφιάλτης" της Νυρεμβέργης

Συλλογή Φωτογραφιών

Αίτημα προστασίας, προς Ιταλία

Chroma key, background removal

Science and Ethics

Να συμβάλει και η U2RIT

Θα ξαναφτιάξουν πολλές φορές Άουσβιτς και Zyclon B

 

Split-Screen effect

Η Ζωή είναι Ωραία.

Βόρεια Κορέα

Λευτεριά στους Έλληνες, εξανα- γκαστικά "Εξαφανισμένους"

 

Μυστικές δίκες;

Trustworthiness

Πολιτισμό, ή, απληστία;

Ακραία Στυγνότητα

Η Τέχνη της Επιβίωσης

Political Asylum 3

Επιστροφή στις ρίζες

The Human Cost of Torture

An urgent appeal for solidarity

More obvious than the Sun

Western "culture"

Political Asylum

Έννομη Προστασία

Μια μήνυση που εγείρει ερωτηματικά

 

 

 

Honor your father...

Noise

Creative Greeks

A pair of Dictatorships

British Interests and “Ritchie Boys'” journalism PDF Εκτύπωση E-mail
Αξιολόγηση Χρήστη: / 0
ΧείριστοΆριστο 
Συνεννόηση για Δράση - Απόψεις
Συντάχθηκε απο τον/την Χρήστος Μπούμπουλης (Christos Boumpoulis)   
Κυριακή, 24 Σεπτέμβριος 2017 19:59
 

 

britishInterest.jpg

 

 

 

British Interests and “Ritchie Boys'” journalism

Britain’s Scramble for Africa: The New Colonialism

By Colin Todhunter

(Counter Punch) — Africa is facing a new and devastating colonial invasion driven by a determination to plunder the natural resources of the continent, especially its strategic energy and mineral resources. That’s the message from a damning new report from War On Want ‘The New Colonialism: Britain’s scramble for Africa’s energy and mineral resources’ that highlights the role of the British government in aiding and abetting the process.

Written and researched by Mark Curtis, the report reveals the degree to which British companies now control Africa’s key mineral resources, notably gold, platinum, diamonds, copper, oil, gas and coal. It documents how 101 companies listed on the London Stock Exchange (LSE) – most of them British – have mining operations in 37 sub-Saharan African countries and collectively control over $1 trillion worth of Africa’s most valuable resources.

The UK government has used its power and influence to ensure that British mining companies have access to Africa’s raw materials. The report exposes the long-term involvement of the British government (Labour and Conservative) to influence and control British companies’ access to raw materials. Access has been secured through a revolving door between the political establishment and British mining companies, with at least five British government officials taking up seats on the boards of mining companies operating in Africa.

Augmented by WTO rules, Britain’s leverage over Africa’s political and economic systems has resulted in a company like Glencore being able to to show revenues 10 times that of the gross domestic product (GDP) of Zambia.

Under the guise of the UK helping Africa in its economic development (a continuation of the colonial paternal narrative), $134 billion has flowed into the continent each year in the form of loans, foreign investment and aid, while British government has enabled the extraction of $192 billion from Africa mainly in profits by foreign companies, tax dodging and the cost of adapting to climate change.

The report highlights the roles played by major companies, such as Rio Tinto, Glencore and Vedanta. From the displacement of people and killings to labour rights violations, environmental degradation and tax dodging, Africa appears to have become a free for all. In only a minority of mining operations do African governments have a shareholding in projects. And even if they do, it tends to be small at 5-20%.

In the report, Mark Curtis argues that an African country could benefit from mining operations by insisting that companies employ a large percentage of their staff from the country and buy a large proportion of the goods and services they procure from the country. However, World Trade Organisation rules prevent African countries from putting such policies in place.

Countries could also benefit from corporate taxation, but tax rates and payments in Africa are minimal and companies are easily able to avoid paying taxes, either by their use of tax havens or because they have been given large tax incentives by governments — or often both. And when companies export minerals, governments usually do not benefit at all. Governments only benefit from exports when there is an export tax. There are almost none in Africa.

Various case studies of abuses and disregard for people’s rights

One of the case studies in the report is the scramble for gas and oil in Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara. Morocco has occupied much of Western Sahara since 1975. Most of the population has been expelled by force, many to camps in the Algerian desert where 165,000 refugees still live. Morocco’s occupation is a blatant disregard for international law, which accords the Saharawi people the right to self-determination and the way in which their resources are to be used.

Over 100 UN resolutions call for this right to self-determination but UN efforts to settle the conflict by means of a referendum have been thwarted by Morocco. The International Court of Justice has stated that there are no ties of sovereignty between Morocco and Western Sahara, and no state in the world recognises Morocco’s self-proclaimed sovereignty over the territory. Despite this, six British and/or LSE-listed companies have been handed permits by the Moroccan government to actively explore for oil and gas resources, making them complicit in the illegal and violent occupation of Western Sahara.

Cairn Energy, based in Edinburgh and LSE listed, is one such company. It is part of a consortium, led by US company Kosmos Energy, that in December 2014 became the first to drill for and later discover oil off the coast of Western Sahara. The former Director of Britain’s Secret Intelligence Service, MI6, Sir Richard Dearlove, has been a member of the Kosmos Board of Directors since 2012.

Saharawis have consistently protested against the exploration activities of oil companies in Western Sahara, but by doing deals with the Moroccan government oil companies such as Cairn are directly undermining the Saharawis’ right to a referendum on self-determination.

Cairn’s claim to support human rights are hard to square with Morocco’s activities in Western Sahara, where basic rights and freedoms are routinely suppressed by the same authorities which have given oil companies ‘rights’ to operate.

The report states that, instead of reining in companies such as Cairn, the British government has actively championed them through trade, investment and tax policies. Successive British governments have long been fierce advocates of liberalised trade and investment regimes in Africa that provide access to markets for foreign companies. They have also consistently opposed African countries putting up regulatory or protective barriers and backed policies promoting low corporate taxes.

In response to the report’s findings, War on Want believes that UK companies must be held responsible for their behaviour in Africa and that the UK government must be held accountable for its complicity in the plunder. It supports calls for mining revenues to stay in the countries where they are mined; for raw materials to be processed in the countries where they are mined to promote maximum value addition; and for governments to act to protect the rights of people affected by mining rather than protecting the profit margins of corporations exploiting them.

On the back of the report, Saranel Benjamin, International Programmes Director at War on Want, says:

“The African continent is today facing a new colonial invasion, no less devastating in scale and impact than the one it suffered during the nineteenth century. It’s a scandal that Africa’s wealth in natural resources is being seized by foreign, private interests, whose operations are leaving a devastating trail of social, environmental and human rights abuses in their wake. For too long, British companies have been at the forefront of the plunder, yet rather than rein in these companies, successive UK governments are actively championing them through trade, investment and tax policies. It is time British companies and the UK government were held to account.”

It is not the first time we see the enabling role of government where the private sector is concerned, regardless of the massive adverse impacts on people, communities and the environment. In capitalism, the state’s role is first and foremost to secure the interests of private capital. In 2014, former British Ambassador to Uzbekistan Craig Murray said that as a state the UK that is prepared to go to war to make a few people wealthy. He added that he had seen things from the inside and the UK’s foreign interventions are almost always about resources.

Military intervention is, however, often the final resort. The institutions of international capitalism – from the World Bank, the IMF and the WTO to the compliant bureaucracies of national states or supranational unions – facilitate private capital’s ability to appropriate wealth and institute everyday forms of structural violence (unemployment, infant mortality, bad housing, poverty, disease, malnutrition, environmental destruction, etc) that have become ‘accepted’ as necessary and taken for granted within mainstream media and political narratives.

When referring to Western countries, those narratives like to use the euphemism ‘austerity’ for deregulation, privatisation and gross inequalities and hardship, while hiding being the mantra ‘there is no alternative’.

When referring to Africa, they use the euphemism ‘helping Africa’ for colonialism and economic plunder, while hiding behind the term ‘investing in’.

[http://www.zehabesha.com/britains-scramble-for-africa-the-new-colonialism/]



Britain’s tacit support is fuelling show trials, torture and killing in Ethiopia

CAGE Africa calls for full accountability for the UK government’s role in financing Ethiopian security forces and supporting the Ethiopian government in the name of counter-terrorism, which is facilitating widespread human rights abuses in the country.

A recent Freedom of Information request has revealed that more than a million pounds from Britain’s one billion pound Conflict, Security and Stabilisation Fund is being paid towards the training of security services in Ethiopia.

The money has been divided roughly into two halves. One half is flowing towards a master’s programme in ‘security sector management’ run by Cranfield University in Ethiopia, which is attended by top-ranking security officials from Ethiopia’s brutal dictatorial regime, and the rest is going towards supporting the Ministry of Defence’s Ethiopian Peace Support Training Centre, which produces military forces for deployment in neighbouring countries including Somalia.

The Conflict, Security and Stabilisation Fund is governed by the National Security Council, a Cabinet Committee of which Prime Minister David Cameron is the chair, and whose purpose it is to enforce Britain’s national security agenda, including its countering violent extremism (CVE) policies in foreign countries.

This is clear evidence of a definitive link between Britain’s global CVE agenda, UK foreign policy, the protection of “UK interests”, and large-scale human rights abuses.

Violations of the rule of law in the name of counter terrorism

Ethiopian security services have used counter-terrorism legislation to enforce their power, and detain, torture and even kill opponents of the government.

It has held Andargachew Tsege, a British citizen and father of three from North London known as ‘Ethiopia’s Mandela’, for two years without charge and under torture. Tsege exposed corruption in the Ethiopian government and founded a pro-democracy party, earning him the ire of the government, which branded him a ‘terrorist’ and accused him of contriving a coup, which he denies. But according to reporter and foreign correspondent Ian Birrell, in the same week that a British Minister raised the case with the Ethiopian Prime Minister, DFID announced extra British aid to Ethiopia.

In November last year, security services shot live ammunition into crowds of students protesting the clearance of a forest for development in the Oromia Region. Students as young as 12 were killed, or arrested and detained in secret detention centres. Young people were accused of being members of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), designated a ‘terrorist’ organization by the government, and they were tortured with electric cables. Human Rights Watch has declared that killings and arbitrary arrests continue, and students have reported how security forces have invoked the ‘counter-terrorism’ response.

Ethiopia’s ‘reindoctrination’ campaign angers Muslims

Ethiopia’s securitized response in the name of counter-terrorism has been accompanied by a concerted effort to shape Islamic belief, a more concentrated distillation of Britain’s PREVENT strategy which aims to subtly determine what is acceptable Islamic belief and what isn’t.

A group of 29 Ethiopian Muslims were sentenced in July 2015 to between seven and 22 years in prison after thousands-strong protests by Muslims of the Awoliya Movement against what they termed government interference in religious affairs.

This interference included the 2011 closure of Awoliya College and Secondary School, a highly regarded Islamic school based in Addis Abiba, and the sponsorship by the government of Al-Ahbash teachings – a form of Islam palatable to the government and the pinnacle of what is termed a “reindoctrination campaign” that resulted in widespread protests during which seven Muslims were killed by security services. The campaign is reported to have its end aim the issuing of Al-Ahbash ID cards to pro-government Muslims, while those without will have their movements restricted and be vulnerable to harassment by security forces.

“The trial and the verdict against the Muslim leaders is a political spectacle designed to conceal the regime’s reindoctrination campaign and silence long-standing grievances of the Muslim population,” wrote Awol Allo, a fellow in human rights at the London School of Economics and Political Science, for Al Jazeera.

The Awoliya Movement is a peaceful movement. Nonetheless, the ruling party has co-opted global ‘War on Terror’ narratives to wage a propaganda campaign against the movement, whom they accused of links with al-Shabaab and Boko Haram.

The trial itself of Awoliya Movement leaders was also a farce. “The government presented various forms of evidence — including documents, audio and video of sermons and speeches by the defendants, witness testimonies and material obtained through surveillance. However, most of the evidence was presented in closed sessions, and the accused were not given adequate opportunities for cross-examination,” wrote Allo.

This court process mimics Britain’s own ‘terrorism’ trials, and PREVENT related cases, in which secret evidence is employed against the accused, in violation of the rule of law. The Ethiopian government’s divide-and-rule tactics aimed at the Muslim population, is not only reminiscent of South African Apartheid, but seeks to silence Muslim political expression in the same way Britain’s CVE policies hone in on Muslim individuals and organisations that take a principled stance on issues such as Palestine and the ‘War on Terror’.

Legislation that enables human rights abuses

Ethiopia’s Proclamation on Anti-Terrorism in August 2009 is seen as a threat to free speech, freedom of association, thought and dissent, and has been used to detain and convict in trial proceedings that violated due process, journalists and bloggers who reported on corruption in government. Political opposition members and human rights activists have also been among those detained without charge.

In September 2014, the United Nations warned Ethiopia not to use counter-terrorism legislation to curb human rights. “The right to a fair trial, the right to freedom of opinion and expression, and the right to freedom of association continue to be violated by the application of the anti-terrorism law,” a UN panel said. “We call upon the Government of Ethiopia to free all persons detained arbitrarily under the pretext of countering terrorism. Let journalists, human rights defenders, political opponents and religious leaders carry out their legitimate work without fear of intimidation and incarceration.”

The United States and Britain are silent in the name of the ‘War on Terror’

The UN warnings have little teeth, however. Ethiopia is allowed to continue with impunity in its campaign against human rights, because the US and Britain, and their allies, support its CVE stance and its military campaigns that fall in line with the ‘War on Terror’. This in turn is leading to an increase in individuals turning to political violence.

CAGE Africa calls for full accountability for Britain’s role in facilitating human rights abuses in Ethiopia, through training and supporting security service personnel by means of its Conflict, Security and Stabilisation Fund, rubber stamped by British Prime Minister David Cameron himself.

Global CVE policies modelled on PREVENT and instituted by governments with a securitized stance, will alienate and antagonize Muslims. We reiterate our calls for dialogue and a return to the rule of law and fair judicial process as a means of ending the cycles of violence in the ‘War on Terror’.

[https://cage.ngo/article/britains-tacit-support-is-fuelling-show-trials-torture-and-killing-in-ethiopia/]


Charmed Into Bloodshed

Selling War: The British Propaganda Campaign Against American "Neutrality" in World War II by Nicholas Cull

SELLING WAR: THE BRITISH PROPAGANDA CAMPAIGN AGAINST AMERICAN "NEUTRALITY" IN WORLD WAR II
Nicholas John Cull
Oxford University Press, 1995, xv + 276 pgs.

Great Britain learned an important lesson from World War I. American entry into that war in 1917 proved decisive. The American Expeditionary Force helped bring the long military stalemate on the Western Front to an end; and even before America's declaration of war, Britain and her allies would have been in a hopeless position without American loans and sales of arms.

American entry into the war did not come about by accident. Quite the contrary, an extraordinary propaganda campaign by the British moved America from "neutral in thought, word, and deed" to armed intervention. The increasingly tense European diplomatic situation in 1938, culminating in the German invasion of Poland on September 1, 1939, and the British and French declarations of war on Germany on September 3, led the British government to attempt to repeat its World War I strategy.

America had to be brought into the new war, and propaganda was a vital weapon in this task. This British propaganda campaign is described in careful detail by Nicholas John Cull; his book, based on extensive archival research and personal interviews, is a major contribution.

The British faced a formidable obstacle in their attempt to draw the United States into the war. During the 1920s, most Americans came to believe that United States entry into the First World War had been a disaster. The historical revisionists, such as Sidney Fay and Harry Elmer Barnes, challenged the official accounts of the war by "court historians." Of particular relevance here, detailed studies exposed the British propaganda efforts. Cull emphasizes Walter Millis's 1935 study Road to War in this connection. Millis's "findings sparked a surge of anglophobia and paranoia" (p. 9).

This time, the opponents of war were prepared for the British campaign, making their task all the more difficult. Isolationists, including Senators Nye and Borah and the great aviator Charles Lindbergh, did not hesitate to warn of British wiles.

Here, Cull might have made more use of an important book published in 1937. Cull does mention the work in question. "The American isolationists pressed their attack by once again raising the hue and cry against British propaganda. Senators William E. Borah and Gerald P. Nye seized on a British study titled Propaganda in the Next War, by British public relations expert Sidney Rogerson, as evidence of 'a basic plan to involve us in the next war'" (p. 29).

Unfortunately, though, Cull does not discuss the book's contents. It suggested that America might be drawn into a future European war by the "back door" of a conflict in the Far East. Surely this was a detail worth mentioning, at least as important as Lord Halifax's distaste for hotdogs (p. 134).

Before 1940, British propaganda was according to our author not very effective: the British Library of Information in New York, whose activities Cull covers thoroughly, spent much time in futile conflicts of jurisdiction with other agencies. Cull attaches much of the blame for this state of affairs on the government of Neville Chamberlain, of whom he is decidedly no admirer. He holds the conventional view of Chamberlain as an appeaser of Hitler, reluctantly dragged into war. As such, he and his officials were halfhearted in their propaganda efforts.

Cull, it seems to me, radically underestimates the aggressiveness of the Chamberlain government. The Foreign Secretary, Lord Halifax, was in particular no Milquetoast trembling before the Fhrer. From October, 1938, he dominated foreign policy decisions and he actively pursued a militant anti- German policy.

Though Cull has no use for Chamberlain, he does celebrate one hero who served this regime: the British Ambassador to Washington, Lord Lothian. He finds that Lothian was an excellent propagandist, especially skilled at cultivating important American politicians. "Lord Lothian was a master of the American scene. Always accessible and disarmingly frank, he charmed the press corps" (p. 57). Of especial importance as a source on Lothian's activities is the contemporary newsletter of the American isolationist Porter Sargent, later published as the book Getting US Into War. Cull cites this but ought to have made more use of it.

After the German invasion of Norway in May 1940, Chamberlain's government collapsed; and Winston Churchill was appointed Prime Minister. For Cull, this is of decisive significance for British propaganda. "Churchill's accession to power proved to be a watershed event in Anglo-American relations. His coalition Cabinet brought several key figures of the prewar Anglo-American bloc back into power.... Given Churchill's own commitment to the 'English-speaking peoples,' the reshuffle sounded a death knell for the reticence that had marked Chamberlain's dealings with the United States" (p. 68).

Cull covers extensively the principal British officials engaged in war propaganda in the United States; and the reader will make the acquaintance of such figures as Sir John Wheeler- Bennett, an independently wealthy scholar attached to the British Library of Information.

But propaganda was by no means confined to official spokesmen. The British government carefully cultivated such journalists as Edward R. Murrow, whose broadcasts during the Blitz became legendary. "Meanwhile, at the Ministry of Economic Warfare, the press officer David Bowes-Lyon charmed the Americans, which was no easy task considering that he had to explain such matters as the blockade. His popularity owed something to his family connections. King George's wife, Queen Elizabeth, was his sister; and favored correspondents were invited to take tea with her at Buckingham Palace" (p. 87).

Cultivation of the journalistic elite of course did not preclude direct appeal to the American masses, and here Hollywood played a decisive role. "In the late autumn of 1940, the Films Division [of the Ministry of Information] dispatched the distinguished British film executive A.W. Jarratt to develop the necessary links with the studios" (p. 87). At a dinner with the leading Hollywood producers, Jarratt received pledges of support. The author offers a characteristically detailed account of their efforts to fulfill these pledges.

Cull's book poses a formidable challenge to reviewers. It is a detailed narrative rather than an analytical study, and only a few of the many incidents it discusses can be mentioned here. One incident, though, cannot be omitted, as it brings together several key themes of the book. "On October 27, 1941, during his Navy Day speech, [President Franklin] Roosevelt made an astonishing claim: 'I have in my possession a secret map, made in Germany by Hitler's government, by planners of the new world order. It is a map of South America and part of Central America, as Hitler proposes to organize it'" (p. 170).

In fact, the map was a crude forgery; and although Cull does not establish its origins with certainty, William Stephenson, notorious for his "dirty tricks" as the head of British Security Coordination in New York, bears primary responsibility for its dissemination. "Whatever the exact origin of the map, the most striking feature of the episode was the complicity of the President of the United States in perpetrating the fraud" (p. 172).

American popular sentiment in 1940 strongly opposed entry into the European War; and Roosevelt's pledge, "Your boys are not going to be sent into any foreign wars, except in case of attack" helped him win an unprecedented third term. But the combination of the British propaganda machine with an American President set on undermining neutrality proved too difficult for the isolationists to overcome.

Cull's study, though written from what D.C. Watt has called a "triumphalist" perspective on British propaganda, provides a great deal of information to those who seek to avoid future foreign entanglements. Selling War gives ample, if unintended support for the judgment of the great diplomatic historian Charles Callan Tansill: "The main objective of American foreign policy since 1900 has been the preservation of the British Empire" (Back Door to War [Chicago University Press, 1952], p. 3).

[https://mises.org/library/selling-war-british-propaganda-campaign-against-american-neutrality-world-war-ii-nicholas]

  

Imperialists Like Us: British Pamphlet Propaganda to the USA in the Great War

The pamphlet of ‘American opinions’ and the many others with colonial themes combined to make an argument that fitted their particular American audience. Their intended readers were probably proud of both American democracy and American expansion, but it’s doubtful that they wanted to extend the rights of ‘real’ Americans to Cubans or Filipinos. Britain was in much the same paradoxical position: almost fully democratic at home (with the key exception of women), yet also ruling millions autocratically. What, then, could Britain—and by extension, the United States—offer their colonies to excuse these contradictions? Peace, stability, material improvements, and good government. These ideas ran through the British propaganda pamphlets of the Great War.

[https://blogs.kent.ac.uk/munitions-of-the-mind/2017/06/05/imperialists-like-us-british-pamphlet-propaganda-to-the-usa-in-the-great-war/]

 

Ethiopia: Year of Brutality, Restrictions

Restore Rights, Address Grievances

(Nairobi) – Ethiopia plunged into a human rights crisis in 2016, increasing restrictions on basic rights during a state of emergency and continuing a bloody crackdown against largely peaceful protesters, Human Rights Watch said today in its World Report 2017. The state of emergency permits arbitrary detention, restricts access to social media, and bans communications with foreign groups.

Security forces killed hundreds and detained tens of thousands of protesters in Ethiopia’s Oromia and Amhara regions during the year. Many of those who were released reported that they were tortured in detention, a longstanding problem in Ethiopia. The government has failed to meaningfully investigate security forces abuses or respond to calls for an international investigation into the crackdown.

“Instead of addressing the numerous calls for reform in 2016, the Ethiopian government used excessive and unnecessary lethal force to suppress largely peaceful protests,” said Felix Horne, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Vague promises of reform are not enough. The government needs to restore basic rights and engage in meaningful dialogue instead of responding to criticism with more abuses.”

In the 687-page World Report, its 27th edition, Human Rights Watch reviews human rights practices in more than 90 countries. In his introductory essay, Executive Director Kenneth Roth writes that a new generation of authoritarian populists seeks to overturn the concept of human rights protections, treating rights as an impediment to the majority will. For those who feel left behind by the global economy and increasingly fear violent crime, civil society groups, the media, and the public have key roles to play in reaffirming the values on which rights-respecting democracy has been built.

Protester anger boiled over following October’s Irreecha cultural festival, when security forces’ mishandling of the massive crowd caused a stampede, resulting in many deaths. In response, angry youth destroyed private and government property, particularly in the Oromia region. The government then announced the state of emergency, codifying many of the security force abuses documented during the protests, and signaling an increase in the militarized response to protesters’ demands for reform.

Government limitations on free expression and access to information undermine the potential for the inclusive political dialogue needed to understand protesters’ grievances, let alone address them, Human Rights Watch said.

The tens of thousands of people detained in 2016 include journalists, bloggers, musicians, teachers, and health workers. Moderates like the opposition leader Bekele Gerba have been charged with terrorism and remain behind bars, education has been disrupted, and thousands have fled the country.

The Liyu police, a paramilitary force, committed numerous abuses against residents of the Somali region in 2016, and displacement from Ethiopia’s development projects continued, including in the Omo valley.

The crackdown during 2016 followed years of systematic attacks against opposition parties, nongovernmental organizations, and independent media, effectively closing political space and providing little room for dissenting voices.

[https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/01/12/ethiopia-year-brutality-restrictions]

 

Νικήτας 05/12/2013 22:04:35

Το 1944 η Ελλάδα ήταν με τους Νικητές και είχε ηθικό και στρατιωτικό δικαίωμα στις διεκδικήσεις της που λέγονταν Βόρειο Ήπειρο και Κύπρο.
Το 1949 ήταν ακόμα κατεστραμένη με την Β. Ήπειρο στους συνεργάτες του άξονα αλβανούς την Κύπρο στους άγγλους και με τον στρατό της να έχει υποφέρει τα πάνδεινα στον επικό αγώνα του Γράμμου - Βίτσι όπου τα πλεονεκτήματα των κομουνιστοσυμμμοριτών ήταν τρομακτικά λόγω της συνεργασίας των γειτονικών κρατών .
Στο μεταξύ η Ρωσία του Στάλιν είχε υποδουλώσει την κεντρική ευρώπη έχοντας αναδειχτεί στον μεγάλο νικητή του πολέμου.
Βρήκε τον χρόνο να επεκταθεί και τον τρόπο να ασκήσει πίεση σε όποιον της σήκωνε ανάστημα.

Ο λεγόμενος εμφύλιος λοιπόν κατά την αποψή μου εξυπηρέτησε την Ρωσία και την Αγγλία είς βάρος μας .
Πιστεύω πως οι δύο αυτές δυνάμεις εκμεταλεύτηκαν την περίεργη ελληνική ιδιοσυγκρασία και φέρανε τα πράγματα εκεί που θέλανε χωρίς βέβαια να σημαίνει πως ήτανε συνενοημένες .
Οι Άγγλοι εξόπλισαν το ΕΑΜ με λίρες και όπλα στο βουνό , παρόλες τις εισηγήσεις των πρακτόρων τους πως επίκειτε εμφύλιος , και αυτοί βάλανε τον Γιώργη Παπανδρέου να αποκυρήξει τα τάγματα ασφαλείας ώς προδοτικούς μηχανισμούς δείνοντας το έναυσμα στο εαμ να εκδικηθεί τάχα μου στο όνομα του ελληνικού λαού τους προδότες σε μελιγαλά , γαργαλιάνους , καλαμάτα τον σεπτέμβρη του 1944.
Μετά ο δεκέμβρης ήρθε ώς φυσικό επακόλουθο.
Επισης ο αμφιλεγόμενος ζαχαριάδης ήταν αξιωματικός του Στάλιν και τον καιρό εκείνο οι κουκουέδες ακόμα και για να κλάσουν έπρεπε να το εγκρίνει ο πατερούλης πόσο μάλον να σηκώσουν ντουφέκι και να κάνουν μεγάλους τσαμπουκάδες.

Αφροδίτη 04/12/2013 13:25:05

Ας καταθέσω την προσωπική μου μαρτυρία, μήπως και βγάλουν τις τσίμπλες από τα μάτια τους, πολλοί από τους νεοφώτιστους και άκαπνους στην κυριολεξία αγωνιστές!
Ρώτησα στα 15 μου τον αδελφό της μητέρας μου, ο οποίος παρεμπιπτόντως είχε επιστρέψει από τον Άγιο Ευστράτιο μόλις πέντε χρόνια ενωρίτερα το 1959, να μου πει το τί έγινε τότε και υπήρχαν τόσα μίση ανάμεσα σε πολλά σπιτικά της μικρής μας επαρχιακής πόλης. Με πήρε από το χέρι και με πήγε στη βορεινή πετρόκτιστη μάντρα του νεκροταφείου της πόλης μας και δείχνοντάς την μου είπε επί λέξει:
«Εδώ παιδί μου σε αυτόν τον τοίχο τότε, τη μια νύχτα κατέβαιναν οι δικοί μας από το βουνό και εκτελούσαν τους άλλους - τους απέναντι και την άλλη νύχτα έρχονταν οι άλλοι από τα οχυρά και εκτελούσαν δικούς μας. Έγιναν αίσχη παιδί μου σε αυτόν τον τόπο, γι αυτό το αίμα που χύθηκε θα υπάρχει και θα στέκεται ανάμεσα στα σπιτικά που μαυροφορέθηκαν. Εύχομαι μέχρι να μεγαλώσεις να έχουν μαλακώσει οι καρδιές μας, για να ζήσετε καλύτερα και να μην αφήσετε ποτέ να επαναληφθούν τέτοια τραγικά λάθη».
Αυτή η ομολογία του αλλά και η προτροπή του, ομολογώ με τη σειρά μου, πως μεγαλώνοντας με σημάδεψε αρκετά….

[http://www.antinews.gr/action.read/Αντιθέσεις/Ήταν-εμφύλιος-ηλίθιε/10.1253]



The word nation stems from the Latin natio, meaning "people, tribe, kin, genus, class, flock." Black's Law Dictionary defines a nation as:

A people, or aggregation of men, existing in the form of an organized jural society, usually inhabiting a distinct portion of the earth, speaking the same language, using the same customs, possessing historic continuity, and distinguished from other like groups by their racial origin and characteristics, and generally, but not necessarily, living under the same government and sovereignty.[1]

A nation is distinct from a "people"[1], and is more abstract, and overtly political than an ethnic group.[2] It is a cultural-political community that has become conscious of its autonomy, unity, and particular interests.[3]

Ernest Renan's What is a Nation? (1882) declares that "race is confused with nation and a sovereignty analogous to that of really existing peoples is attributed to ethnographic or, rather linguistic groups", and "The truth is that there is no pure race and that to make politics depend upon ethnographic analysis is to surrender it to a chimera", echoing a sentiment of civic nationalism. He also claims that a nation is not formed on the basis of dynasty, language, religion, geography, or shared interests. Rather, "A nation is a soul, a spiritual principle. Two things, which in truth are but one, constitute this soul or spiritual principle. One lies in the past, one in the present. One is the possession in common of a rich legacy of memories; the other is present-day consent, the desire to live together, the will to perpetuate the value of the heritage that one has received in an undivided form", emphasizing the democratic and historical aspects of what constitutes a nation, although, "Forgetting, I would even go so far as to say historical error, is a crucial factor in the creation of a nation". "A nation is therefore a large-scale solidarity", which he said is reaffirmed in a "daily plebiscite".[4]

The nation has been described by Benedict Anderson as an "imagined community"[5] and by Paul James as an "abstract community".[6] It is an imagined community in the sense that the material conditions exist for imagining extended and shared connections. It is an abstract community in the sense that it is objectively impersonal, even if each individual in the nation experiences him or herself as subjectively part of an embodied unity with others. For the most part, members of a nation remain strangers to each other and will never likely meet.[7] Hence the phrase, "a nation of strangers" used by such writers as Vance Packard.

[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nation]



A country is a region that is identified as a distinct national entity in political geography. A country may be an independent sovereign state or one that is occupied by another state, as a non-sovereign or formerly sovereign political division, or a geographic region associated with sets of previously independent or differently associated people with distinct political characteristics. Regardless of the physical geography, in the modern internationally accepted legal definition as defined by the League of Nations in 1937 and reaffirmed by the United Nations in 1945, a resident of a country is subject to the independent exercise[clarification needed] of legal jurisdiction.

Sometimes countries refers both to sovereign states and to other political entities,[1][2] while other times it refers only to states.[3] For example, the CIA World Factbook uses the word in its "Country name" field to refer to "a wide variety of dependencies, areas of special sovereignty, uninhabited islands, and other entities in addition to the traditional countries or independent states".[4]

[https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Country]



This article is my, just and legitimate, reaction with regard to recent manifestations of, according to my opinion, pitiful journalism.

Common sense dictates that, honest journalism and colonialism, remain mutually excluded.

The contemporary, innumerable violations of the international law along with the innumerable violations of the human rights, are so overt that, even high school students are able to spot them within the international affairs, as the become reflected upon the adequate Internet's information.

The contemporary journalists remain unable, or, unwilling to promote those contemporary multiple violations with accordance to their formal duties.

Among the many consequences of the manifestation of contemporary colonialism, belongs the intensification of the discrimination between, Nation and Country.

By dishonestly exploiting, on behalf of the contemporary colonialists, this intensified discrimination, and simultaneously, by covering up, on behalf of the contemporary journalists, this dishonest exploitation, our international community's departure from normality, perpetuates.

As many of the countries which participated in the WW2 remain in a state of war, as they haven't yet signed peace treaties with each other, and as entire Nations may remain deprived, due to existing secret treaties, from their Human Rights and their Fundamental Freedoms, the traits of a Nation may differ significantly, if not radically, from the traits of its corresponding country.

The instrumental confusion with regard to the differentiation which has been developed among the notions of, Nation and country, seems to play a significant role to the contemporary worldwide ignorance about the existing and fundamental interdependency between all, with no exception, the existing bilateral combinations of Nations (and countries).

For example, from what it seems, the most of the Greek citizens, faultily, underestimate the existing interdependency between, the British-Ethiopian bilateral relationship (Nation to State, Nation to Nation, State to Nation, State to State) and the British-Greece relationship; and consequently, they tend, with the, probably, dishonest contribution of the contemporary journalism, to underestimate the former relationship.

The Winston Churchill's invention, namely the “Ritchie Boys”, from what it seems, contributed enormously, in dragging the United States of America into the WW2, in dragging Greece within WW2, in fabricating the WW2 German military officers' involuntary confessions before the Nuremberg trials, etc. Their effectiveness, though monstrous, evidently, became institutionalized.

It seems to me that, covering up, on behalf of the contemporary journalism, so monstrous, so many and so overt contemporary colonial crimes, presupposes, on behalf of this journalism, the extreme cruelty and the degree of inhumanity that, historically, belongs to the specie of the “Ritchie Boys”.

The mass media, as a communities' major gatekeeper, strongly influences, positively, or, negatively, the manifestation of accountability both, within the communities themselves, as well as, within the bilateral relationships, of those communities.

Within our days, as a rule, we may, systematically find within the flow of information, that, the mass media produce, a lot of false rationalizations which strongly promote the avoidance of accountability; both, at the discrete level, as well as, at the collective level. And this, certainly, is nothing but catastrophic for the quality of those communities members' lives.

Each time I notice incidents of, mass media, extremely imprudently and indirectly promoting the illicit violence, by contributing, willingly, or, due to negligence, to the corresponding perpetrators accountability’s avoidance, it makes me wander whether, a great leader, many years ago, had been right, or, not, about how, a free and secured Nation, should arrange for its own mass media:

 

23 We demand legal opposition to known lies and their promulgation through the press. In order to enable the provision of a German press, we demand, that:

a. All writers and employees of the newspapers appearing in the German language be members of the race;
b. Non-German newspapers be required to have the express permission of the State to be published. They may not be printed in the German language;
c. Non-Germans are forbidden by law any financial interest in German publications, or any influence on them, and as punishment for violations the closing of such a publication as well as the immediate expulsion from the Reich of the non-German concerned. Publications which are counter to the general good are to be forbidden. We demand legal prosecution of artistic and literary forms which exert a destructive influence on our national life, and the closure of organizations opposing the above made demands.

 

As far as I am concerned, the present circumstances, with regard to the mass media, in Greece, indicates, in general, after having been “followed the language”, an enormous disgrace, on behalf of the colonialists.

And as soon as possible, new arrangements should become materialized so that, there will not be, neither, any supposed “privately” owned, nor, any supposed “public”, mass media. The function of collective information should be performed by non-profit small communities, with temporary, cyclically interchanged members. Those members are ordinary citizens, with adequate skills, which, obligatorily, shall offer such social service to the Greek Nation and they will be compensated by an equivalent tax reduction.

Colonialism, gradually, destroys, the Greek Nation and Greece, as a whole. Will, the mass media's luring, continue to keep the Greek Nation, destructively, idling?

 

Christos Boumpoulis

economist

 

P.S.: Not everyone is able and willing to acknowledge that, the human life is invaluable and sacred; unfortunately.

     

 

Τελευταία Ενημέρωση στις Δευτέρα, 25 Σεπτέμβριος 2017 17:06