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Detention, White Cells, Psychosurgery PDF Εκτύπωση E-mail
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Συνεννόηση για Δράση - Απόψεις
Συντάχθηκε απο τον/την Χρήστος Μπούμπουλης (Christos Boumpoulis)   
Τρίτη, 22 Αύγουστος 2017 02:49

Detention, White Cells, Psychosurgery


German writer critical of Turkey's Erdogan arrested in Spain

BERLIN (Reuters) - German-Turkish author Dogan Akhanli was arrested in Spain on Saturday after Turkey issued an Interpol warrant for the writer, a critic of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's government, fanning an already fierce row between the NATO allies.

The arrest of the German national in Granada was part of a "targeted hunt against critics of the Turkish government living abroad in Europe," Akhanli's lawyer Ilias Uyar told magazine Der Spiegel, which first reported Akhanli's detention.

A German foreign office official said Germany was in touch with Spanish authorities demanding that Berlin be involved in any extradition proceedings and insisting that no extradition should take place.

Any country can issue an Interpol "red notice", but extradition by Spain would only follow if Ankara could convince Spanish courts it had a real case against him.



Did NATO’s Kangaroo Court Poison Milosevic?

The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was created at the behest of the US and received its funding and direction from its NATO sponsors. [665]

The very concept of an ad hoc tribunal established with the intent of judging events that occur in only one geographic location violates the standard of equity of law. Attempts by the world community to establish an International Criminal Court, which would have jurisdiction around the world, have failed due to US insistence that American citizens be exempt from prosecution by the court.

This US attitude of being above the law is nothing new. In 1984 when the World Court ruled that the US should compensate Nicaragua for mining its harbor at Corinto, the US simply ignored the verdict. As Slobodan Milosevic wrote of the ICTY, “The United States itself, immune from control or prosecution and above the law, uses its power to cause persecution of enemies it selects to terrorize and further demonize.”

The way the ICTY is set up the judge acts in tandem with the prosecution, rather than serving as an impartial arbiter in the case. As retired British barrister Geoffrey Locke pointed out, “The tribunal makes up its own rules of procedure and evidence and is answerable to nobody…a judge of the very court which is to try the case is not merely empowered, but positively directed, to act as counsel for the prosecution in the preparation of the case and suggest how it could be bolstered or improved”. [666] The Yugoslav government handed Milosevic over to ICTY after they were promised new loans from the IMF.

For over a month, Milosevic was kept in solitary confinement, unable to talk even with his lawyers, who had trouble even getting visas to the Netherlands. His cell contained cameras, which recorded his every move. Milosevic, an accomplished lawyer, wanted to represent himself before the court, but the ICTY at first denied him this basic human right and appointed three amici curiae (friends of the court) to represent him. The court said Milosevic would not even be allowed a say in his defense strategy, something even the Nazis had allowed Bulgarian Communist leader Georgi Dimitrov, who was able to lead his own defense in the Reichstag Fire Trial of 1933.

Under international pressure, the court finally backed off from this draconian measure. Still, Milosevic wasn’t allowed to speak at his arraignment without twice having his microphone switched off. Later at a status conference, where the defense is supposed to be allowed to raise issues of concern, his microphone was again shut off and the judges walked out of the room. At a third ICTY appearance the court again shut off Milosevic’s microphone after he questioned the court’s legitimacy.

In February 2002 the sham trial of Milosevic commenced. When on February 13th Milosevic argued that the court had no legitimacy and that the ICTY had orchestrated a “parallel media trial” to establish a verdict before evidence was even presented, Judge May told him that his comments were “irrelevant”. The next day Milosevic, who had spent seven months in solitary confinement, countered that his “…show trial was part of a larger Western attempt to control the world”. He then showed a video proving the Racak massacre was a fraud. [667] A witness he called said that the much-publicized Serb massacre at Srbenica was, in fact, instigated by French intelligence.

By August 2002 Milosevic had turned the tables on the kangaroo court, presenting a steady stream of well-documented information that exposed the CIA/mafia partition of Yugoslavia. The media suddenly quit covering the trial. In March 2006, a healthy Slobodan Milosevic suddenly died in his Hague prison cell. His lawyer and numerous supporters say he was poisoned.

While the US and NATO couched their Yugoslav intervention in ethnic terms, plenty of Croats, Bosnians, Moldavians, Macedonians, Montenegrins and Albanians also continued to see the West as the enemy. While the US media fixated on the Albanians fleeing US bombings in Kosovo for safety in Macedonia, thousands more Albanians fled the other direction into Belgrade where they supported Milosevic and cursed the NATO aggressors.

One Albanian who landed in Belgrade was Fatmir Seholi, who had been Chief Editor at Radio Television Pristina until NATO troops expelled him from the province. Seholi had this to say about the war, “Every NATO bombing was a big problem. The man who could command NATO to bomb people is not human. He is an animal. After the bombing at Djakovica I saw decapitated bodies…I saw people without arms, without feet…Who is Clinton to accuse anyone? I would like to say to Hillary Clinton that her husband is an immoral person. That man ruined our state for no reason. What would he say if someone bombed the White House? Who is the evil man here? Milosevic, who is protecting the territory of Yugoslavia and protecting the people of Kosovo, or Clinton, who bombs us?”





Τα πειράματα άρχισαν το 1950!

Το ΝΑΤΟ διέταξε, οι κυβερνήσεις, η μία μετά την άλλη, εφαρμόζουν.


Ολα άρχισαν σχεδόν 15 χρόνια πριν - το 1984 – όταν η Αντιτρομοκρατική Επιτροπή του ΝΑΤΟ κάνει πρόταση στα μέλη - κράτη του, για τη μετατροπή όλων των φυλακών σε ατομικά κελιά απομόνωσης. ...

Ωστόσο, η ιστορία των φυλακών τύπου «κελί» ξεκινά πολύ νωρίτερα και ήταν μια σειρά πειραμάτων σε Ευρώπη και ΗΠΑ που οδήγησαν στην «ανακάλυψή» τους, αλλά και στα αποτελέσματα που κάποιοι προσδοκούσαν. Μετά από τον πόλεμο της Κορέας - λίγο μετά το 1950 - έγιναν στις ΗΠΑ πάρα πολλά πειράματα από την CΙΑ, με την ονομασία «μέθοδοι αλλαγής συμπεριφοράς» και με τη συμμετοχή πολλών γνωστών χειρούργων εγκεφάλου και ψυχολόγων (Dr. Schein, Dr. Bidermann και Cameron). To πρόγραμμα «αλλαγής συμπεριφοράς» του δόκτωρ Σέιν, που αποτελείται από 24 άρθρα, αποκαλύφθηκε μετά απ' αυτά τα πειράματα. Κάθε άρθρο αυτού του προγράμματος περιέχει ψυχολογικές και διοικητικές εφαρμογές που εξασφαλίζουν την... εξαφάνιση της ταυτότητας του κρατουμένου!

Τα ίδια πειράματα πραγματοποιήθηκαν αργότερα - το 1971 - στη Γερμανία, συγκεκριμένα στο πανεπιστήμιο του Αμβούργου, σε ένα ειδικό εργαστήριο που ονομαζόταν Camere Silens. Το γερμανικό κράτος ξόδεψε γι' αυτά τα πειράματα τότε περίπου 40 εκατομμύρια μάρκα. Και οι ειδικές φυλακές χτίστηκαν με βάση τα αποτελέσματα αυτών των πειραμάτων. Μάλιστα σε διάφορες χώρες της Ευρώπης (Γαλλία, Ιταλία, Γερμανία και Μ. Βρετανία) με βάση αυτά τα πειράματα έχουν αναπτυχθεί και ειδικές μέθοδοι (π.χ. στη Γερμανία, στην περιοχή Stammheim έχουν γίνει οι φυλακές - φέρετρα και στη Βρετανία τα Η – Μπλοκ).

Ποιος είναι ο σκοπός τους;

Το σύστημα απομονωμένων ατομικών κελιών - όπως αποκαλύπτουν όλες οι οργανώσεις ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, που όλα αυτά τα χρόνια ασχολήθηκαν με το συγκεκριμένο ζήτημα - καταστρέφει και αφανίζει τη συνείδηση και την προσωπικότητα των κρατουμένων, χωρίς να απαιτεί μεθόδους βασανισμού. Καταστρέφει όλο το νευρολογικό σύστημα των κρατουμένων και έτσι χάνουν την αίσθηση του χρόνου και του χώρου. Παρατηρούνται κινήσεις εκτός ελέγχου και εξαφανίζονται τα αντανακλαστικά. Επίσης παρατηρείται υπερβολική εφίδρωση, στομαχικός πόνος, χάσιμο βάρους, σπονδυλικοί πόνοι, διαταραχές στο κυκλοφορικό και ανοσοποιητικό σύστημα, διαταραχές στην όραση και στην περίοδο των γυναικών.

Διαπιστώθηκαν, επίσης, κάποιες διαταραχές στους κρατούμενους που έμειναν πολύ χρονικό διάστημα στα κελιά απομόνωσης, όπως διαρκής κατάσταση υπνηλίας που προκαλεί κατάθλιψη και αδράνεια, υπερβολικός φόβος και συναισθηματικότητα. Εμφανίζονται προβλήματα αυτοσυγκέντρωσης, ψυχολογικές διαταραχές, δυσκολίες σε λογικές σκέψεις, δυσκολίες και αποκοπές στην ομιλία και στο σχηματισμό των προτάσεων, με αποτέλεσμα να ξεχνιέται το περιεχόμενο του θέματος. Εμφανίζονται ακόμη διαταραχές στις αισθήσεις και στις αντιλήψεις που προκαλούν υπερβολικές διεγέρσεις και παραισθήσεις. Ιδιαίτερα στην αρχή της απομόνωσης των κρατουμένων παρατηρούνται σοβαρές ψυχοσωματικές κρίσεις. Οι τυπικοί χαρακτήρες των κρίσεων είναι παράνοια, παραίσθηση και παραλήρημα.

«Σκοπός τους είναι να ασκήσουν πίεση στους αντιφρονούντες, να καταρρακώσουν την προσωπικότητά τους, ώστε να υποκύψουν και να μην υψώνουν "φωνή", καθώς επίσης να τους διαιρέσουν για να εξαφανίσουν την όποια αντίσταση μέσα στις φυλακές. Γι' αυτό το λόγο αυτή η απομόνωση ως μέθοδος βασανισμού είναι γνωστή με το όνομα "λευκή τρομοκρατία". Βάζοντας τους κρατούμενους σε κελιά, τους απομονώνουν από τον κοινωνικό τους περίγυρο (εντός των φυλακών), εμποδίζουν την επαφή τους με το παρελθόν και το μέλλον τους, μετατρέποντάς τους έτσι σε άβουλα αντικείμενα που χρησιμοποιούνται σε πειράματα πλύσης εγκεφάλου», τονίζει χαρακτηριστικά η Επιτροπή Αλληλεγγύης για τους πολιτικούς κρατούμενους στην Τουρκία και το Κουρδιστάν.

Να σημειωθεί ακόμα πως σε διάφορες αναφορές της η Διεθνής Αμνηστία - απ' το 1980 έως και το 1983 - εξετάζοντας τις συνθήκες κράτησης στις φυλακές της Γερμανίας, διαπίστωσε ότι τα συγκεκριμένα κελιά δημιουργούν στους κρατουμένους σοβαρά σωματικά και ψυχολογικά προβλήματα. Ο ψυχίατρος Rolf Binkswanger από τη Ζυρίχη εξέφρασε στην Επιτροπή Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων των Ηνωμένων Εθνών ότι «η κράτηση κρατουμένων σε απομονωμένα κελιά είναι ένας τρόπος βασανισμού, σύμφωνα με τα παγκόσμια κριτήρια». Όσο για τη Δημοκρατική Ενωση Γιατρών επισήμανε ότι ούτε η κράτηση των κρατουμένων σε ομάδες 10-15 ατόμων στις φυλακές προστατεύει την εμφάνιση ψυχολογικών και σωματικών διαταραχών”.



Title: Two 'Rule Of Law' Republicans Dissent On Torture And Assassinations
November 13, 2011

Source: Atlantic

Abstract: In Saturday's debate, the starkest divide among the GOP candidates concerned their willingness to adhere to the law while waging the War on Terrorism. Jon Huntsman and Ron Paul affirmed that they would do so. Every other candidate embraced unlawful positions that would've been unthinkable before 2001. The most important: the use of torture and presidential orders to assassinate American citizens.

Mitt Romney, Herman Cain, Michele Bachmann, Rick Santorum, Rick Perry and Newt Gingrich all favor "enhanced interrogation techniques," a euphemism for torture. Lest you doubt that waterboarding, the specific technique they've endorsed, is in fact torture, first note that it too is a euphemism. It refers to blindfolding someone, strapping them to a table, elevating their head, covering their mouth, forcing water through their nose into their sinuses until their lungs fill, and demanding that they reveal their secrets on the promise that if they do, you'll stop forcibly drowning them. If a Pakistani terrorist kidnapped Laura Bush, strapped her to a board, covered her mouth, and forced water through her nose until her lungs filled, would that be torture?

Jon Huntsman made the most eloquent case against waterboarding.

"This country has values," he said. "We have a name brand in the world... I've been an ambassador for my country three times. I've lived overseas and done business. We diminish our standing in the world and the values that we project that include liberty and democracy, human rights and open markets when we torture. We should not torture. Water-boarding is torture. We dilute ourselves down like a whole lot of other countries and we lose our ability to project values that a lot of people in a lot of corners of the world are still relying on the United States to stand up for."

Assassinating American Citizens

President Obama insists that he has the authority to order the assassination of American citizens who haven't been convicted of any crime or afforded due process so long as he first declares -- in a secret process the details of which we're not allowed to know -- that the target is a terrorist. Said one of the moderators during the debate, "Is it appropriate for the American president -- on the president's say so alone -- to order the death of an American citizen suspected of terrorism?"

Mitt Romney fielded the question.

"Absolutely," he said. "In this case, this is an individual who aligned himself with a group who had declared war on the United States of America. And if there's someone who is going to join a group that declares war on America and we're in a war with that entity, then of course, anyone bearing arms with that entity is fair game for the United States of America." What Romney doesn't mention is that if al-Awlaki, the American citizen we've already assassinated, could be killed "on the president's say so alone," than anyone can be killed. Limiting the president's killing authority to targets who "declare war on America" is meaningless if someone can be found guilty of having declared war on America based on the president's say so alone.

That brings us to Newt Gingrich's frightening answer.

MODERATOR: "As president of the United States would you sign that death warrant for an American overseas who you believe is a terrorist suspect?"

GINGRICH: "Well, he's not a terrorist suspect. He's a person who was found guilty under review of actively seeking the death of American citizens."

MODERATOR: "Not found guilty by a court, Sir. He was found guilty by a panel who looked at it and reported to the president. That's extra-judicial. It's not the rule of law."

GINGRICH: "It is the rule of law. That is explicitly false. It is the rule of law. If you engage in war against the United States, you are an enemy combatant. You have none of the civil liberties of the United States. You cannot go to court... Waging war on the United States is outside criminal law.

What is Gingrich ignoring?

In Hamdi vs. Rumsfeld, the Supreme Court addressed the case of an American citizen declared an enemy combatant by the Bush Administration, which asserted that he took up arms and fought with the Taliban. As Sandra Day O'Connor affirmed in her majority opinion, "due process demands that a citizen held in the United States as an enemy combatant be given a meaningful opportunity to contest the factual basis for that detention before a neutral decision-maker."

Ron Paul was the savior on this issue.

"We're at war against a tactic and therefore there's no limit to it," he said, condemning Obama's assassinations. "We create these monstrosities and we do things outside the law... You want to live within the law. And obey the law. Because otherwise it's going to be very bad for all of us. And this whole idea that now we can be assassinated by somebody we don't even like to run our medical care, they're giving this power to the president to be the prosecutor, the executor, the judge and the jury." As Adam Serwer mused on Twitter, "Paul remark goes at heart of contradiction of modern conservatism: Government is only infallible when it kills people."


Perhaps the most substantively absurd moment of the debate was when Michele Bachmann said, "Today under Barack Obama, he is allowing the ACLU to run the CIA." In fact, the ACLU has explicitly criticized the way Obama has waged the War on Terrorism generally, and actually joined the Center for Constitutional Rights in filing the lawsuit that tried to prevent the assassination of Anwar al-Awlaki. Bachmann is either breathtakingly ignorant here or else lying.

Either way, she is just one of many candidates in the GOP field to show the folly of running to Obama's right on foreign policy. He surged troops into Afghanistan, killed Osama bin Laden, launched an undeclared war on Libya in violation of the War Powers Resolution, is waging another undeclared war using drones in Pakistan, and has taken most of the steps his hawkish critics say they'd implement in Iran. In other words, there actually is no coherent critique from the right to make unless it's so extreme in its war-mongering that a country tired of spilling blood and treasure abroad will pass.

Among the candidates at the debate, Huntsman and Paul are the only ones who can credibly attack Obama on the foreign policy grounds where he is weakest: his radicalism on executive power, illegal war in Libya, civil liberties violations, the destabilizing effect of his drone war on Pakistan, and the fact that he has an assassination list with the names of American citizens crossed off it (Atlantic, 2011).



Former NSA boss: "We kill people based on metadata"



Solitary confinement isn't punishment. It's torture

Albert Woodfox sits alone in a cell smaller than the average parking space. Unless it is one of the three days that he gets to stretch his legs in the prison yard, the 68-year-old will likely remain caged in these conditions for 24 hours today. The four walls are solid – save a single small window that looks onto the parking lot – as is the metal door in front of him. His isolation is complete, even from others prisoners in nearby cells. He has spent more than half of his life in this nightmare.

Woodfox – who has the dubious honor of being the United States’ longest serving prisoner in solitary confinement – is just one of an estimated 80,000 people held in solitary confinement on any given day in the United States. He has described the physical and mental anguish of solitary as “standing at the edge of nothingness, looking at emptiness.”

The UN Special Rapporteur on Torture has specifically condemned Woodfox’s treatment as torture and called on the United States to eliminate the use of prolonged isolation. Albert’s case has returned to the spotlight in the past month because he is no longer a convicted man – a federal judge ordered his unconditional release in early June, two years after his conviction had been overturned for a third time (a last-minute appeal kept him behind bars). The ruling on Albert’s behalf came only two days after the devastating news that 22-year-old Kalief Browder killed himself. Browder wasn’t guilty of a crime – in fact, he was never even convicted. A judge eventually dismissed his case, but only after he had spent two years in solitary confinement for fighting with other inmates inside the notoriously brutal prison.

Their stories further illuminate the need for urgent and long-overdue reform of the United States’ use of prolonged solitary confinement. Albert and Kalief’s ordeals are particularly devastating because of their strong arguments of innocence and the glaring flaws their cases expose in the criminal justice system. But solitary confinement is an grave human rights abuse for guilty and innocent alike. No human being should face the prospect of years, or decades, in a cage without meaningful human contact, battling the very real prospect of being overtaken by insanity.

Numbers alone make the human cost of solitary confinement devastatingly clear. Half of all successful suicides in US prisons occur in solitary cells. With an estimated 2.4m people behind bars in the United States, isolated prisoners make up only about 3% of the entire prison population. And if that human price isn’t compelling enough, the financial arguments may be: the independent advocacy project Solitary Watch has documented available figures from key states and the federal system, painting a picture of an extravagantly expensive practice that only increases recidivism and fails to reduce violence. Although there are few available numbers, one study estimated that the annual per-cell cost of a Supermax prison is about $75,000, compared to $25,000 for each cell in a prison not designed specifically for solitary confinement. They are also estimated to be about two to three times more costly to build.

Because mass incarceration in the United States is particularly devastating for communities of color, it’s not surprising that race is an important part of both Albert Woodfox and Kalief Browder’s stories.

Browder consumed by a system in which racial profiling and excessively high bail thrust a child into a degrading, dehumanizing prison system. Woodfox is the co-founder of the first prison chapter of the Black Panther Party and has been zealously pursued and publicly maligned by a Louisiana attorney general through two overturned convictions, despite the doubt that has clouded his case for decades. While the demographic information about prisoners in solitary confinement is scarce, it seems to suggest that their cases are emblematic of a general overrepresentation of people of color in solitary confinement in the US.

Despite all this evidence that solitary is unfairly used and disproportionately affects people of color, states are not required to keep statistics on the numbers of prisoners held in segregated facilities, the demographics of those prisoners, the length of confinement they have endured, the effectiveness of programs instituted, the overall costs or the impact on prisoners and overall prison safety. The federal system lacks clear internal review procedures and monitoring for mentally ill prisoners. Human rights organizations like Amnesty International and the UN expert on torture have specifically condemned the use of solitary confinement for juveniles or mentally disabled prisoners.

It is time to develop national guidelines to limit the use of solitary or isolated confinement so that we can ensure that it is imposed only as a last resort – and never indefinitely. The dehumanisation, degradation and deprivation typified by the prolonged isolation of prisoners in the US prison system is akin to sentencing a prisoner to stand on the knife’s edge of insanity and waiting to see if they stumble. It cannot, and must not, be the status quo.



Unconsciousness Switch: Turning Off The Brain May Be As Simple As Flicking A Switch

Scientists delving deep inside the human mind may have found a switch that can literally turn us off.

It's the first time, according to New Scientist, researchers have been able to flick consciousness off and on by stimulating a single brain area. That area, called the claustrum, could be the long-elusive cradle of human consciousness.

The study, published in the journal Epilepsy & Behavior this week, recounts how scientists at George Washington University succeeded in turning off and on a woman's consciousness by electrically stimulating that thin layer of the brain.

In the study abstract, the research team describes how zapping the claustrum resulted in "arrest of volitional behavior, unresponsiveness, and amnesia without negative motor symptoms or mere aphasia."

As described in Liberty Voice, "the woman would stare blankly into the distance, completely unresponsive to anyone’s audio or verbal commands. As soon as the stimulation stopped, she would regain consciousness and admitted having no recollection of what happened."

The study represents the first time the claustrum has ever been stimulated by a human being before.

"I would liken it to a car," neurologist Mohamad Koubeissi told UPI Science News. "A car on the road has many parts that facilitate its movement — the gas, the transmission, the engine — but there's only one spot where you turn the key and it all switches on and works together.

"So while consciousness is a complicated process created via many structures and networks — we may have found the key."

If so, that key resides in the claustrum and its oddly shaped layer of neurons.

Clamped to the underbelly, so to speak, of the neocortex (essentially in the very centre of the brain), the claustrum has long been considered enigmatic to say the least.

And, while the 'switch' has only been flicked in one human brain — reportedly, not even a normal human brain, as this woman was missing part of her hippocampus, which was removed to treat her epilepsy — the discovery does represent real progress in a question that has long-bedeviled science.

Namely, "how a kilogram or so of nerve cells conjures up the seamless kaleidoscope of sensations, thoughts, memories and emotions that occupy every waking moment."



Psychosurgery for political purposes (1975)

Finally, the judges examined the constitutional issues involved in psychosurgery. In particular, they looked at the right to free speech, and concluded that psychosurgery, by robbing the individual of his capacity for free speech, in effect interferes with his first amendment rights. Again the issue is of such vast political importance, I will quote in some detail:

Freedom of speech and expression, and the right of all men to disseminate ideas, popular or unpopular, are fundamental to ordered liberty. Government has no power or right to control men's minds, thoughts, and expresssions. This is the command of the First Amendment. And we adhere to it in holding an involuntarily detained mental patient may not consent to experimental psychosurgery. For, if the First Amendment protects the freedom to express ideas, it necessarily follows that it must protect the freedom to generate ideas. Without the latter protection, the former is meaningless. Experimental psychosurgery, which is irreversible and intrusive, often leads to the blunting of emotions, the deadening of memory, the reduction of affect, and limits the ability to generate new ideas. Its potential for injury to the creativity of the individual is great, and can impinge upon the right of the individual to be free from interference with his mental processes. The State's interest in performing psychosurgery and the legal ahility of the involuntarily detained mental patient to give consent must bow to the First Amendment, which protects the generation and free flow of ideas from unwarranted interference with one's mental processes. To allow an involuntarily detained mental patient to consent to the type of psychosurgery proposed in this case, and to permit the State to perform it, would be to condone State action in violation of basic First Amendment rights of such patients, because impairing the power to generate ideas inhibits the full dissemination of ideas.7I

In addition, the court decided that psychosurgery also threatens the constitutional right to privacy:

Intrusion into one's intellect, when one is involuntarily detained and subject to the control of institutional authorities, is an intrusion into one's constitutionally protected right of privacy. If one is not protected in his thoughts, behavior, personality and identity, then the right of privacy becomes meaningless."


It has been argued that psychosurgery is too .costly and timeconsuming to serve a political function. This is obviously not the opinion of the experts-Mark, Ervin, Sweet, Delgado and Rodin. Ervin and Mark wanted to combine their surgery with prior screening programs to select out the best candidates. Then, as Sweet declared to a legislative committee, the surgery might zero in on the "leaders" of insurrections. I can think of no more effective and permanent method of rending a leader impotent. From a propaganda viewpoint, it surpasses outright killing as a method of control for it leaves the person physically alive and can be justified "on medical grounds" and for the victim's "own good." The argument that psychosurgery is inefficient also falls apart in future perspective. The old-fashioned lobotomy was cumbersome until Walter Freeman developed a three minute method by means of an ice pick through the eye sockets. Perhaps when the newer forms are perfected, a laser equivalent of the ice pick will be developed. Efficiency is nothing more than an engineering problem. The history of the industrial revolution is the history of reducing complex technology to mass production needs. Those who see no political threat from psychosurgery also argue that we have no data to show that large numbers of black, poor or violent people have been operated upon . This is true. As I observed in my first publications, the great majority of current psychosurgery patients are middle-aged women. But we do know why the poor and minority groups have thus far been relatively spared in the new wave of psychosurgery: the educational program of the Center for the Study of Psychiatry and other reform groups has retarded the large-scale introduction of psychosurgery into the prisons and state mental hospitals. The cut off of federal funds and the negative opinions rendered by federal agencies and the Kaimowitz court have put a damper on attempts to aim psychosurgery at criminals and rioters. The surgeons who have proposed operating on violent individuals have found themselves constantly on the deensive. It has also been observed that psychosurgery at the present time constitutes a relatively minor threat to civil liberties compared to involuntary mental hospitalization and involuntary treatment with drugs and electroshock. This is true, but it is beside the point. Psychosurgery remains a threat, and unlike these other technologies, it has been promoted for political purposes by a number of

respected professors of psychiatry and neurosurgery. More importantly, with or without overt political implications, psychosurgery constitutes a danger to the hundreds of individuals subjected to it each year. As the Kaimowitz court declared, these people are being deprived of their rights by a procedure that destroys the capacity for creativity and free speech; this goes on in the absence of any overt political aim on the part of the surgeons, but this in no way makes the consequences for the individual less seri ous.


At the present time, psychosurgeons are taking a low profile in regard to political aims. Mark, Ervin, Sweet, Rodin and Delgado ceased to make public comments promoting their work for political purposes. This can be attributed to the outrage generated by their published words, and to successful legal and legislative interventions against their work. Nonetheless, psychosurgery continues to be practiced and developed, and a resurgence of interest in its political applications may await us the moment we consider it an issue of the past.



Narrative exposition, or simply exposition, is the insertion of important background information within a story; for example, information about the setting, characters' back-stories, prior plot events, historical context, etc. In a specifically literary context, exposition appears in the form of expository writing embedded within the narrative. Exposition is one of four rhetorical modes (also known as modes of discourse), along with description, argumentation, and narration, as elucidated by Alexander Bain and John Genung. Each of the rhetorical modes is present in a variety of forms and each has its own purpose and conventions. There are several ways to accomplish exposition.



From what it seems, the colonialists, they have no idea why they should never murder innocent human beings; they have no idea why Justice should prevail both, within the human societies, as well as, within the international community; they have no idea why they should never violate the Human Rights of the innocent, healthy, rational, legitimate and creative human beings; they have no idea why they should never, intentionally, harm the health of the innocent human beings, they have no idea how to live without having to destroy other innocent people and other innocent Nations.

Therefore, keeping a safe and long, distance from the colonialists, may be an absolute prerequisite, of biological survival; of mental survival; and of Peace.

Currently, according to my opinion, the entire human kind remains under a mental state of a mild obscurity; with the only exception being, the legitimate dissidents which are what keeps the Human Rights from becoming canceled and forgotten for ever.

Therefore, three minutes of collective, unforgivable negligence may be plenty enough time for one more hope, for the civilization to prevail, from the very few left, to vanish for ever.


Christos Boumpoulis




Ό,τι, από πρώτα, καλά ετοιμασμένο
και προβαρισμένο κι αν παίξεις,
λαμπρός ηθοποιός λουσμένος στο φως
γοητεία και τέχνη, μαστοριά καλλιτέχνη,
μακιγιάζ και κοστούμι.

Στο κέντρο του κόσμου το ρόλο σου παίξε
το γέλιο, το κλάμα στις λέξεις,
η σκηνή σε ζεσταίνει, σ’ αγκαλιάζει, σε ραίνει
με λουλούδια, με χρήματα, με χειροκροτήματα
σ’ ουρανούς σε πηγαίνει.

Μα η αλήθεια, γλυκιά ή πικρή,
παρασκήνιο είναι, ψυχή μου,
κρύψου όσο θέλεις μα κάποια στιγμή
η αυλαία θ’ ανοίξει, θα σ’ αποκαλύψει,
τότε παίξε αν μπορείς, αν μπορείς.

Στα χρώματα, πάντα να παίζει η μπάντα
τραγούδια γι’ αγάπες και μίση,
ντυμένος κουρέλια, ντυμένος με τάξη,
βασιλιάς και ζητιάνος, πολισμάνος και κλέφτης,
στρατηγός και φαντάρος.

Στα πόδια σου ο κόσμος, ο όμορφος κόσμος
κι εσύ, λαμπερός μέσ’ στη μέση,
η νύχτα σε κλέβει, η μέρα ζηλεύει,
των θεών χαϊδεμένος, της ζωής κερδισμένος,
εραστής, ερωμένος.

Μα η αλήθεια, γλυκιά ή πικρή,
παρασκήνιο είναι, ψυχή μου,
κρύψου όσο θέλεις μα κάποια στιγμή
η αυλαία θα κλείσει, μοναχό θα σ’ αφήσει,
τότε παίξε αν μπορείς, αν μπορείς.




.::Παρασκήνιο - Αρλέτα::. (Backstage - Arleta)




Τελευταία Ενημέρωση στις Τρίτη, 22 Αύγουστος 2017 03:36